Research of deviance and social problems: 8 (8)

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1 - Challenges and Conflicts in Women's Homeless Shelters in Tehran: A Qualitative Study
Maryam Isari

 Challenges and Conflicts in Women's Homeless Shelters in Tehran: A Qualitative Study       Maryam Isari<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a>       Introduction   Homelessness is one of the major social and urban issues in most parts of the Global North and Global South cities. In Iran, various structural processes have led to the intensification of poverty and homelessness, increasing the number of individuals in need of shelter in Tehran. Beside the exclusionary and criminalizing approach to the issue of homelessness, a pathological perspective has emerged on this field since the beginning of the contemporary era in Iran.   Nowadays, in accordance with Article 69 of Tehran's Third Development Plan, the municipality is obligated to address social issues by shifting from "social exclusion" to "social inclusion" approach. This involves creating infrastructure and providing services to support vulnerable citizens, such as expanding and equipping social service centers like local and regional shelters in order to provide housing for homeless and vulnerable individuals.   Some critical researchers view the establishment and supportive function of shelters with skepticism, considering them as part of a structure aimed at hiding the homeless population. Accordingly, developing shelters can be seen as a way to protect the population against homeless people. Some other researchers consider shelters as a social welfare response to the homelessness crisis, in contrast to the critical view mentioned above.   As of 2020, there have been over sixteen shelters for men and four permanent shelters for homeless women in the city of Tehran, the study and evaluation of the performance of these centers, their impact on the homeless population, and their internal challenges are essential. The current article attempts to explore the experiences of being in shelters and the common challenges and conflicts at various levels from the perspective of executive staff and women experiencing homelessness residing there.       Methodology   The current research is grounded in the qualitative tradition and interpretive approach. It involved interviewing 24 homeless women living in shelters and staff members (such as managers, social workers, assistants, psychologists, etc.) for an in-depth qualitative study. The research focused on all four women's shelters in Tehran in 2020. Convenience sampling and the snowball sampling method were employed in this study.       Finding   Despite the services offered in shelters, these temporary accommodations encounter a range of challenges and issues at various levels. challenges such as displacement and lack of acceptance of homeless women, power struggles, disciplinary measures, and tension can be observed in the shelter environment. Homelessness is closely linked with informality, such as involved in the informal economy, informal housing, and informal use of urban space.   Various rules and limitation of these places sometimes lead to conflicts. These conflicts sometimes result in the production of disputes and challenges in shelters, leading to the exclusion of homeless women. Based on this, one of the key challenges in the social space of shelters is the power struggles between homeless women and shelter staff. This becomes problematic when shelter staff attempt to enforce certain rules and disciplinary measures, which homeless women often resist due to conflicts with their lifestyle and habitus. Consequently, power dynamics, resistance, and assertiveness are evident among the women in these situations.   Among the various challenges faced by shelters, management challenges stand out. These include a high ratio of homeless women to social workers, difficulties with commuting hours, lack of procedural consistency, and ambiguity surrounding certain laws. The findings suggest that challenges in providing services to homeless women are some of the identifiable issues. Problems such as inadequate food quality, failure of rehabilitation and entrepreneurship programs for women, and absence of infrastructure for empowering women are among these issues.   One of the other challenges in shelters is the segmentation of homeless women. This includes the presence of elderly women and the juxtaposition of addicted and non-addicted individuals.       Conclusion   all residents of these shelters aspire to a better life and to leave the shelters behind. If homelessness on the streets challenges women's hopes of returning and integrating into society, life without a home in shelters puts them on the brink; the threshold of entering a new life or returning to the past life of homelessness. Many women residing in shelters are in a state of "permanent temporariness." They are constantly waiting for improvements in their lives and stepping out of the temporary space of shelters. They hope for acceptance from family, divorce from their spouses, reunification with their children, overcoming addiction, finding a job, obtaining a steady income, and having a place of their own. Therefore, the necessity of support mechanisms to empower and help them exit the shelters is strongly felt.   The experience of women's shelters in Tehran shows that these centers have provided significant services to immediately reduce harm and meet the basic needs of homeless women but have generally failed in empowerment, social integration, and their return to normal life. Therefore, the function and position of shelters have evolved for some homeless women from transitional housing to permanent housing. The primary reason for this lies in the inefficiency of economic policies and the weakness of social policies at a macro level, and at a meso level, in the insufficient inter-agency collaboration towards facilitating the integration of homeless women into society and removing mechanisms of social exclusion.   In such circumstances, grassroots actors and social workers cannot solely rely on their available resources—such as benefactors—to address fundamental issues faced by homeless women like housing and employment. While in a few cases, sustainable employment, housing acquisition, and life necessities have been provided for some homeless women through existing capacities and the involvement of benefactors, this is generally perceived as an “event.” To transform this event into a common practice, enhancing welfare policies at a macro level and elevating the supportive and facilitating role of municipalities to improve inter-institutional collaborations and attract required resources appears crucial.   Alongside this, attention to the challenges faced by shelters in improving their performance and efficiency in the future is vital. To address these challenges, specific solutions can be proposed that require further scrutiny and consideration of all stakeholders, capacities, and available resources. Recognizing the informal aspects of homeless women’s lives, providing mental health services to shelter staff, enhancing food quality, converting shelters into DIC (drop-in center) shelters, promoting entrepreneurship and employment opportunities for homeless women, prioritizing sustainable housing, reassessing outsourcing to contracting companies, and categorizing shelters based on the stratification of homeless women are some of the actions that can be taken. <div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Assistant Professor in Sociology, Institute for Humanities and Social Studies in ACECR. maryamisary@gmail.com </div> </div>   Manuscript profile
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2 - Marginalization and Social Capital: A Comparison of Women in Marginal and Non-Marginal Areas of Sari
Javad Feli Ali Gorji karsami

 Marginalization and Social Capital: A Comparison of Women in Marginal and   Non-Marginal Areas of Sari       Javad Feli<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a>   Ali Gorji Karsami<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">**</a>   Introduction   Social capital is considered to be a network of relationships, interactions, and the values and norms governing these relationships, which can create the necessary platform for the realization of society's goals by fostering trust, convergence, and proper interaction. To achieve collective goals, relying on and emphasizing social capital—meaning establishing trust, creating a spirit of cooperation, and fostering correct interaction—is essential and precedes other matters. By establishing contact with each other, members of society can cooperate, and social relations and interactions between people are influenced by various social, economic, and cultural changes.   The gathering of immigrants with different cultures in unsuitable living environments, along with unemployment and poverty, leads to the creation of delinquent neighborhoods and various psychological problems. Criminological studies and social psychology have always found their most important subjects in big, dense cities and among immigrants. In underdeveloped countries, urbanization expands along with the growth of services independent of industrial development, leading to decreased production, hidden and open unemployment, and the rise of urban crimes. Marginalization and its consequences can be seen as social damage and problems. It should not be overlooked that, in addition to the negative aspects of marginalization in the social structure and spatial construction of cities, this environment also has negative consequences for the marginalized themselves. These include the presence of crime and delinquency in these areas, an inappropriate social, economic, and cultural environment for children and teenagers, a sense of insecurity, and the lack of welfare, cultural facilities, and necessary amenities for youth and teenagers to spend their free time. This creates a poor way of life for these people.   The main problem of the research is whether there is a significant difference in the amount of social capital among women in marginal and non-marginal areas of Sari city.       Methodology   This research employed a field-based survey method and was practical in purpose. The statistical population comprised 143,764 women over 15 years old in Sari. Based on Krejci and Morgan's standard sampling table, 384 participants were selected as the sample. To access the sample, a cluster random sampling method was used. Marginalized areas in Sari city, including Koi-e- Shahid Chamran, Ghafari neighborhood, and Azadi neighborhood, were randomly selected, while Farhang Street, Javadiyeh area, and Beasath area were chosen from non-marginalized areas. The data collection tool was a social capital questionnaire. The social capital measured in this research was divided into four dimensions: social participation, social trust, social cohesion, and social relations, each with 32 items across these four dimensions. The four dimensions of social capital were theoretically and operationally defined. The validity of the questionnaires was established through expert opinions, and the reliability, as measured by Cronbach's alpha, was 0.84 for the social capital questionnaire and for each component: social participation (0.74), social trust (0.91), social cohesion (0.83), and social relations (0.87). Data analysis used the Levene test, which showed a significance level (sig) of 0.114, greater than 0.05, indicating the use of the assumption of equal variances.       Findings   The research findings indicated that the average levels of social capital (99.63), social participation (23.36), social trust (27.24), social cohesion (27.38), and social relations (21.63) were higher among residents of non-marginal areas compared to the average levels in marginalized areas: social capital (74.87), social participation (16.37), social trust (19.27), social cohesion (24.46), and social relations (14.75). Therefore, it can be concluded that the type of residence—whether marginalized or non-marginalized—affects the amount of social capital.   According to the t-statistic results (t = 25.41, sig = 0.000 for the first hypothesis; t = 29.25, sig = 0.000 for the second hypothesis; t = -9.29, sig = 0.000 for the third hypothesis; t = 19.94, sig = 0.000 for the fourth hypothesis), at a 95% confidence level (α = 0.05) and (df) = 384 - 2, which is greater than the critical t-value (t = 1.64), the null hypothesis (H0) is rejected. The research hypothesis is strongly supported by the data, with 95% confidence, indicating a significant difference between the views of women from marginalized and non-marginalized areas of Sari regarding the four components of social capital. Both groups of women recognize a significant difference in the status and level of these components in their respective areas.   Additionally, the overall t-statistic (t = 24.963, sig = 0.000 for the main hypothesis), at a 95% confidence level (α = 0.05) and (df) = 382, is greater than the critical t-value (t = 1.64), leading to the rejection of the null hypothesis (H0) and strong confirmation of the research hypothesis. Therefore, we conclude with 95% certainty that there is a significant difference between the views of women in marginalized and non-marginalized areas of Sari regarding the status and amount of social capital.       Conclusion   The findings suggest that the type of residence—marginal or non-marginal—affects the amount of social capital. According to Putnam's theory, suburbanization or marginalization is a factor in reducing social capital. Coleman also identifies migration and relocation of families as influential in decreasing social capital. Ofe and Fuchs consider living in suburbs or marginalized areas as affecting social capital levels. Putnam's theory indicates that marginalization limits people's opportunities to interact, as they must allocate more time to daily tasks and less to socializing. This situation impacts all indicators of social capital.   Social cohesion is higher in non-marginal areas. According to the theory of social disorganization, factors such as reduced efficiency of social institutions like family and kinship restrictions, which act as informal forces to control social norms, are consequences of industrialization, urbanization, and increasing immigration. Marginal residents, many with less than eight years of peripheral experience, have not had the opportunity to form new relationships. Moreover, immigrants from diverse regions and cultures disrupt existing kinship and family ties.   The results also reveal a significant difference in trust levels between marginalized and non-marginalized areas, with non-marginalized residents showing higher trust. Marginal residents often experience mistrust towards government organizations due to indifference from officials and poor conditions in marginalized areas. Social inequalities and unfair income distribution further contribute to this mistrust. Additionally, rising crime rates and lack of cooperation in addressing these issues reduce public trust.   In conclusion, the social capital of marginalized women in Sari differs significantly from that of non-marginalized women. This difference is influenced by social, cultural, and economic contexts, as well as the cross-sectional perspective of urban decision-makers. Erosion of social capital in marginalized regions affects their resilience in risk management and crisis situations. <div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">* </a>Corresponding Author: Assistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Payame Noor University, Tehran, Iran. <a href="mailto:Javad_feli@pnu.ac.ir">Javad_feli@pnu.ac.ir</a> </div> <div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">**</a> Ph.D. Student in Social Issues Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran. drali.gorjik@gmail.com </div> </div>   Manuscript profile
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3 - The Place of Religiosity in the Changes of Social Hope of Tehrani Citizens
RAHA TALEB ARDAKANI bijan zare reza safarishali alireza karimi

 The Place of Religiosity in the Changes   of Social Hope of Tehrani Citizens       Raha Talebi Ardakani<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a>   Bijan Zare<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">**</a>   Reza Safari Shali<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title="" href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3">***</a>    Alireza Karimi<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title="" href="#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4">****</a>       Introduction   Hope, as a protective factor, is a positive psychological trait that enables individuals to set clear goals, develop multiple pathways to achieve these goals, overcome obstacles, and generate the necessary energy to pursue their objectives. It fosters positive emotions while simultaneously mitigating negative issues. Hope is viewed as a form of self-confidence and personal mastery that aids in goal-setting, planning, and problem-solving. Although social hope has not been prominently recognized as a significant social problem in national policy discourse, its absence or insufficiency has raised concerns among many people and officials.   Religiosity and religious teachings play a crucial role in enhancing social hope. They directly impact psychological and social well-being, thereby increasing both social and individual hope. Understanding the nature of hope, especially its transcendental and religious dimensions, offers potential pathways to bolster hope in various aspects. Social hope has become a political necessity in Iran, and any efforts to rebuild the relationship between the government and society depend on strengthening this component. Contemporary Iranian society appears to be on the brink of a crisis of despair. The erosion of social hope in recent years, coupled with a decline in social capital, has created significant challenges for the country’s development and social progress.   The aim of this research is to sociologically and qualitatively explore the role of religiosity in social hope among the citizens of Tehran.       Methodology   This qualitative research utilized a grounded theory approach. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 50 individuals from Tehran, including university professors, marketers, youth, women, and students. The research reached theoretical saturation. Participants were selected using purposive sampling with snowball and maximum variation techniques to ensure diversity in terms of gender, education, age, and social class. Interviews lasted between 50 minutes to 2 hours and were sometimes conducted in multiple sessions. Data collection spanned over 2 years. Data analysis followed the theoretical coding system of grounded theory, comprising open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. In open coding, the interview texts were read line by line and conceptualized. In axial coding, concepts were grouped into central categories based on semantic overlap. The core category, derived at a more abstract level, was identified as the role of religiosity in the multifaceted revitalization of social hope.   Ethical considerations were observed throughout the study. Participants' consent was obtained before interviews, and they were informed about the research’s purpose, topic, and methods. Their privacy was protected by recording data with their permission and using pseudonyms to maintain confidentiality.       Findings   During the open coding phase, 105 open codes, 33 core codes, 9 main categories, and one core category emerged: hope for the hereafter and receiving divine reward; religious worldview and giving meaning to life; communication with God as the foundation of hope; the production of correct content and its role in religious identification and gaining hope; patience, tolerance of suffering, and hope for divine intervention; the spread of kindness and benevolence in religious teachings; the interdependence of religion, answering doubts, and increasing awareness; reducing social damage; and expanding solidarity and social belonging. The core category, the agency of religiosity in the multifaceted revitalization of social hope, was identified.   Participants sought various strategies to enhance and strengthen their social hope. They practiced kindness and beneficence, such as making vows, which increased their resilience to adversity by reinforcing their connection with a higher power. These practices aimed to improve problem-solving and provide mental and spiritual peace in this life and the hereafter. Participation in religious ceremonies and rituals also contributed to social cohesion by strengthening bonds and relationships.       Conclusion   The core category, the role of religiosity in the multifaceted revival of social hope, reflects a complex interplay of factors, conditions, and contexts. It illustrates that religiosity's role in expressing and developing social hope is multifaceted and not singularly causal. Social hope, from various humanities perspectives, remains a significant concern for individuals and cultural policymakers.         <div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">* Ph.D</a>. Student of cultural policy, Kharazmi University, Iran. rahatalebiardakani@gmail.com </div> <div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">** Corresponding author: Pr</a>ofessor of Sociology Department, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran. zare@khu.ac.ir </div> <div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title="" href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3">*** Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran</a>. Reza_safaryshali@khu.ac.ir </div> <div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title="" href="#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4">**** Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Kharazmi U</a>niversity, Tehran, Iran. alireza.karimi@khu.ac.ir </div> </div>   Manuscript profile
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4 - Sociological Analysis of the Cultural Components of Marriage in Persian Tweets
zahra sheikh Bagher saroukhani khadijeh zolghadr

 Sociological Analysis of the Cultural   Components of Marriage in Persian Tweets       Zahra Sheikh<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a>   Baqer Sarukhani<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">**</a>    Khadija Zulqadr<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title="" href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3">***</a>   Introduction   Marriage is a fundamental institution in both the family and the broader social structure, evolving over time. Understanding this area is crucial for policymakers to grasp societal attitudes, perspectives, and to plan effectively based on societal conditions. The aim of this research was to extract and analyze attitudes and demands regarding the cultural component of "marriage." This component encompasses attitudes, values, and mental priorities of individuals concerning marriage. The research utilized a qualitative content analysis method, focusing on Persian-speaking users of the X social network and employing a comprehensive sampling method to analyze tweets related to marriage from September 2021 till March 2022.       Methodology   The research employed hermeneutic content analysis. Hermeneutic content analysis is typically used to describe phenomena when existing theories or literature are limited. This approach avoids preconceived concepts, allowing new concepts to emerge from the data. Researchers immerse themselves in the data to gain novel insights, a process known as "inductive concept formation." Data analysis begins with repeated readings to achieve a comprehensive understanding. The researchers’ initiates analysis based on their perception of the text, continuing until patterns emerge. This process often results in identifying patterns from the text and categorizing them based on similarities and differences.   In the pilot study, 150 keywords were manually extracted from 600 tweets related to marriage. Using machine learning, approximately 1,800 relevant tweets were identified. After an initial cleaning stage, each tweet was reviewed, and those suitable for analysis were retained, while the rest were discarded. Ultimately, 919 tweets remained for analysis. In the second stage, each tweet was summarized in one word, and these summaries were grouped into categories with key concepts (subtopics) identified. In the third step, related subtopics were analyzed and combined to extract themes. This process was repeated throughout the research. Four main themes were identified: individualism (341 tweets), life skills (211 tweets), economy (197 tweets), and tradition (170 tweets).       Findings   The analysis revealed that Persian-speaking users of X social network discussed a range of topics related to marriage, including individual rights, fluid relationships, independence, communication skills, self-awareness skills, spousal participation, unemployment, the social value of wealth, economic problems, women's rights, family control, marriage customs, and women's rights.   The central theme of these discussions is relationships—what constitutes a desirable relationship and its qualities. The concept of relationships discussed extends beyond formal, registered marriages to include informal relationships, friendships, cohabitation, emotional and sexual partners, concubine (motteh), long-distance relationships, and virtual relationships. Four main themes emerged from the analysis: individualism, life skills, economy, and tradition.   “Individualism” emphasizes the value of the individual as a person with rights and opinions. Sub-themes of individualism and personal preservation were grouped under this broader theme. “Life skills” refer to psychological and social abilities that enable individuals to manage themselves effectively, including communication skills, self-awareness skills, and spousal participation.   The “economy” theme highlighted concerns such as inflation, unemployment, and future uncertainties as inhibiting factors for marriage. Economic attitudes toward marriage reflect a desire for wealth acquisition through clever and inexpensive means, aligning with consumer capitalism. “Tradition” involves societal customs, norms, and restrictions regarding marriage, including family control, marriage customs, and women's rights. The main criticism is that traditions limit individual freedom and personal opinions. While individuality and personal choice are highly valued today, past customs are not widely accepted by newer generations who advocate for equal rights and responsibilities based on personal views rather than traditional norms.       Conclusion   The discourse on marriage on social network X aligns with Bauman's theory of liquid relationships and Saroukhani's theory of personalization. Liquid relationships refer to short-term, non-committal relationships outside the framework of formal marriage, where commitment is minimal. Analysis of tweet content shows that preserving individuality and the power of choice are top priorities for users. They make decisions based on personal preferences and circumstances, free from overarching narratives. However, these liquid relationships may lead to psychological insecurity and intensified individualism, potentially alienating the family from its emotional and generational functions as a social institution, thereby endangering societal health.     <div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> PhD Student in Cultural Sociology, Tehran <a name="_Hlk175653928"></a>Science & Research Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. Sheikh.zahra84@gmail.com </div> <div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="" href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">**</a> Corresponding Author: Professor of Sociology Department, Tehran Science & Research Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. b.saroukhani@yahoo.com </div> <div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title="" href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3">***</a> Assistant Professor, Department of Women's Studies, Tehran Science & Research Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. kzolghadr@srbiau.ac.ir </div> </div>   Manuscript profile
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5 - An Exploration of the Lived Experiences of Childbearing of the Couples and the Factors Affecting them in Lorestan Province
gholamreza Tajbakhsg

 An Exploration of the Lived Experiences of Childbearing of the Couples and the Factors Affecting them in Lorestan Province       Gholamreza Tajbakhsh<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a>       Introduction   Fertility as a social reality is influenced by environmental, social, political, economic, and cultural factors at the macro level. At the micro level, it is affected by the thoughts, motivations, and tendencies of people. Fundamental changes have been made in the structure and characteristics of the Iranian family in various dimensions. The decrease in fertility levels, the transition from extended families to nuclear families, and the resulting decrease in the number of children have been significant experiences for Iranian families. This change is tangible, as the fertility rate of the whole country has dropped from 2.07 in 2016 to 1.6 in 2022, which can be considered as under replacement fertility level. Currently, most provinces of the country, including Lorestan province, have low fertility rates below the replacement level (Statistical Yearbook of the Civil Registration Organization, 2023: 115).   According to the latest statistics from the National Statistics Center of Iran, the population of Lorestan province is 1,805,215 people. In Lorestan province, 8% of the population are children, 21% are teenagers, 17.5% are young people, 43% are middle-aged people, and 10.5% are elderly. Accordingly, 8% of the population of children cannot replace 10.5% of the province's elderly. In the next thirty years, more than 43% of the province's population will be elderly and not productive, leading to an aging province. In 2022, 15,211 marriages were recorded in Lorestan, which decreased to 14,612 last years. Additionally, in 2021, 4,215 cases of divorce were recorded in the province, and this figure decreased to 3,963, a seven percent decline last year (Iran Statistics Center, 2023).   Considering the above statistics and the trend of decreasing young population and increasing aging in this province, it is very necessary to address an important issue such as population rejuvenation. The population can affect the micro and macro structures of this province and society at both the individual and social levels. The lively presence of the young generation in this province can contribute to the dynamism and growth of its development through proper macro-cultural planning.   There are a few studies on the issue in Lorestan province, and due to the decrease in childbearing in this province, it is necessary to address this important issue. Therefore, the main objective of the current research is the sociological investigation of the tendency to have children and factors related to it in Lorestan province. According to the nature of the research problem and the mentioned goals, some basic questions will be investigated in this research. The questions of this research are as follows:   1. What factors affect the issue of childbearing in Lorestan province families?   2. What are the views of couples on the issue of having children and the challenges ahead?   3. What solutions can be offered to increase childbearing in Lorestan province?       Methodology   According to the nature of the research problem, a qualitative method was used to examine the issue, focusing on the study of childbearing contexts. A "semi structured interview" was employed for this method. The criteria for participation were limited to couples who were married and had started their life together; some had children, while others yet not had children. Samples were found in various public spaces, such as parks and recreational places, mosques, sports facilities, stores, and sanitary centers. Each interview lasted approximately 60 minutes.   The statistical population of this research included couples living in the cities of Lorestan province who were interviewed. In this qualitative method, sampling was purposeful and theoretical. According to object, sampling being continued until "theoretical saturation." Based on theoretical saturation, 31 married people were interviewed.   "Thematic" analysis and "coding" techniques were used to analyze the findings from the interviews. The findings were identified in three main categories. The first category refers to the semantic units that the interviewees discussed concretely and with examples. The second category is common themes, a more complex level than the first, where the related codes are presented in a specific and meaningful category. Finally, the main themes related to each category refer to the primary and fundamental factors affecting the category under investigation in the research.       Findings   The findings of the research, classified in eleven main themes: ideal familism, psychological and individual factors, cultural, social, economic, and political changes, attitudes and beliefs, sexual and family issues, inter-spousal relations, and epistemological perspectives on life. A healthy social, economic, and cultural condition, along with creating a sense of satisfaction and security in society, significantly affects couples' desire to have children. It is important to note that the selected subjects come from different social classes, have varying levels of education, and hold different views on the issue of having children. The married life of these couples is mostly more than five years, and the number of their children is fewer than two.       Conclusion   The current research sought to investigate the tendency to have children in Lorestan province and identify the factors affecting it. To better explain the research problem and examine the lived experiences of couples in the field of childbearing, a qualitative method was applied to capture their genuine experiences on this issue. The results of this research showed that various factors, such as economic, political, cultural, social, sexual, epistemic, inter-marital, and family relations, influence couples' views on having children. Undoubtedly, childbearing is a pressing issue in Iranian society and is a focal point of the current government's policies. Lorestan province is also among the regions affected by these policies. Given that Iranian society and the country's population are generally moving towards old age, it is crucial to address this issue. However, the platforms supporting childbearing should also be seriously included in the officials' agenda. It should not be forgotten that Lorestan province is one of the five most deprived provinces in the country and requires more attention in various cultural, political, and economic fields.   As the results of this research showed, significant and deeply rooted factors influence couples' desire to have children in Lorestan province. Cultural, economic, political, medical, and social conditions, among others, should receive more attention from both the public and officials. Additionally, due to Lorestan province's economic and political situation within the country, it should be noted that in order to succeed population policies, there must be a fundamental review and written planning to address economic, cultural, political, and health infrastructures. Without this, even with an increase in population and couples' desire to have children, the problems will not be solved. In a political perspective of several years, the situation in this province could become critical due to its disadvantaged position.   <div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Ayatollah Aozama <a name="_Hlk175655012"></a>Boroujerdi University, Boroujerd, Iran.  tajbakhsh@abru.ac.ir </div> </div>   Manuscript profile
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6 - Etiology of Divorce Based on the Lived Experience of Divorced Couples (Case Study: Khorramabad City)
karamollah javanmard

 Etiology of Divorce Based on the Lived Experience of Divorced Couples   (Case Study: Khorramabad City)       Karamollah Javanmard<a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a>       Introduction   The family, as a pivotal institution in human social history, has grappled with various serious issues, with divorce being a prominent example. Divorce is clearly defined as a social problem and one of the five major societal harms of the country. The aim of this study was to qualitatively examine the experiences of men and women undergoing divorce in Khorramabad city, using qualitative methodology and grounded theory. The central questions of this research are: What is the process of divorce formation in Khorramabad city, and what are the experiences of the couples involved? What motives lead individuals to choose divorce? What are their experiences and perceptions of the divorce process in Khorramabad city? How do people cope with this experience, and how can a proper analysis of different types of divorce in Khorramabad city be presented based on their representations?       Methodology   This study aimed to understand and interpret divorce among couples in Khorramabad in 1402, using an interpretive paradigm and grounded theory for data analysis. This approach is used to explore how individuals interpret their experiences, construct their worlds, and perceive their situations (Afrasiabi et al., 2019: 5). The participants included 30 divorced individuals selected through purposeful sampling with the snowball method. Of these, 12 were men and 18 were women. Data collection continued until saturation was achieved. Selection criteria included having experienced divorce, being at least one year past their legal divorce, and willingness to participate in the study. Five main categories emerged from the coded data. Semi-structured and in-depth interviews were used to gather information from participants. Each interview, lasting between 45 to 90 minutes, was recorded with a cell phone after obtaining consent. The interviewer explained the research objectives and ensured confidentiality. Interviews were conducted with the assurance that recordings would be erased after the data was transcribed. Open coding, axial coding, and selective coding were used for data analysis.       Findings   Among the significant consequences of divorce are economic impacts, especially for women, as well as psychological and spiritual effects, which particularly affect women. Social and cultural consequences are widespread and impact individuals broadly. Divorce, as a solution, holds multiple meanings for the interviewees, reflecting their diverse viewpoints. Two primary perspectives emerged among the divorced individuals: a negative view and a positive view.       Conclusion   Divorce has become a prominent social issue with significant implications for policymakers. The complexity of divorce, its various types, and its multifaceted consequences challenge uniform analysis and understanding. This research reveals how divorce impacts individuals differently across social fields and habits. Key findings include: Economic consequences are significant, including lack of financial income, unemployment, responsibility for child custody, lack of independent living space, and economic stagnation. Among these, economic dynamism and progress were commonly reported by all interviewees. Social consequences, such as stigmatization, sexual objectification, and role changes, were also prevalent. Stigmatization, in particular, aligns with Goffman’s theory of stigma, which affects personal identity and social perceptions. Divorce experiences varied based on individuals' coping strategies, with some experiencing less social fallout due to their rational approach to separation and divorce.   <div style="mso-element: footnote-list;"> <hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /> <div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;"> <a style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="" href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Assistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Hazrat Ayatollah Aozama Boroujerdi University, Boroujerd, Iran. k.javanmard@abru.ac.ir   </div> </div>   Manuscript profile

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