A study of interpersonal violence among the youth of Fars province with emphasis on individual and social components
Subject Areas : Research on Iranian social issuesmaryam soroush 1 , sedighe alborzi 2 *
1 - Assistant Professor, Department of Behavioral Sciences, Fars University of Technology, Shiraz, Iran.
2 - Researcher, Department of Behavioral Sciences, Fars University of Technology, Shiraz, Iran.
Keywords: Youth, Interpersonal Violence, Social Factors, High-Risk Behaviors, Fars Province.,
Abstract :
Study of Interpersonal Violence Among Youth
in Fars Province with Emphasis on Individual
and Social Components
Maryam Soroush*
Sedigha Alborzi**
In Fars Province, interpersonal violence manifests as disputes, physical assaults, and homicides, with young individuals frequently identified as perpetrators. This study aims to investigate the individual and social factors contributing to interpersonal violence among youth. Employing a survey method, the research targeted youth aged 18–35 in Fars Province. A total of 1,627 questionnaires were collected and analyzed using multi-stage cluster sampling from the cities of Shiraz, Lar, Darab, and Abadeh. The most significant factors influencing violence levels were engagement in other high-risk behaviors, life satisfaction, and a history of violence among peers. The findings indicate that, first, social factors play a more substantial role than psychological factors in reducing societal violence. Second, to effectively address social factors, macro-level strategic policies aimed at reducing inequality and promoting development should be prioritized to foster a hopeful outlook for youth. The development of social institutions that enhance problem-solving and negotiation skills, instill a sense of achievement, and institutionalize participation can promote civic approaches to success and conflict prevention within the social structure, ultimately contributing to a long-term reduction in interpersonal violence.
Keywords: Youth, Interpersonal Violence, Social Factors, High-Risk Behaviors, Fars Province.
Introduction
The prevalence of high-risk behaviors represents a critical public health concern, increasingly recognized by health organizations, law enforcement, and social policymakers as a significant societal issue due to rapid social transformations. Research indicates that high-risk behaviors, such as smoking cigarettes or hookah, alcohol consumption, drug use, and unsafe sexual practices, typically emerge during adolescence and young adulthood, often co-occurring and amplifying each other’s effects (Marzban, 2018: 46). The prevalence of such behaviors among youth can cause harm to both themselves and others, necessitating attention even when their incidence is low. Persistent engagement in these risky behaviors may foster antisocial subcultures, contributing to insecurity, fear of crime, social anxiety, and diminished trust within communities (Saadati, 2020: 110). Violence, in its various forms at individual and collective levels, often underreported to law enforcement, constitutes one of the most pressing challenges facing contemporary societies (Zarei et al., 2020: 139). Today, violence in private and public spheres has become a growing social issue, increasingly normalized as part of daily behavior for many individuals. The widespread rise in violence is neither befitting of an ethical society nor should it be regarded as a natural phenomenon to be ignored. Violence in response to others’ aggression marks the onset of social violence, transforming an individual issue into a collective one. Addressing violence and striving for its prevention and reduction inherently engages with and mitigates numerous other social challenges. To this end, this study was designed to examine interpersonal violence among youth, aiming to map its prevalence, identify the social and psychological factors influencing it, and determine the contribution of each factor to interpersonal violence.
High-risk behaviors are categorized into two types: those endangering the health and well-being of the individual, such as drug use, alcohol consumption, smoking, and unsafe sexual practices, and those threatening the well-being of others, including theft, aggression, violence, and truancy from school or home. Prior research identifies multiple factors contributing to high-risk behaviors. According to the biopsychosocial model, biological (e.g., hormones), cognitive (e.g., risk perception and self-esteem), and social (e.g., socialization influences, particularly parents and peers) factors underlie these behaviors (Tajabadi et al., 2020: 138).
This study adopts the Problem Behavior Theory, a comprehensive multivariate psychological-social framework that examines the interplay of individual and social factors in shaping normative and problematic behaviors within their social context. The theory comprises three interconnected systems: personality, environment, and behavior (Eslami et al., 2010: 61). These systems include risk and protective factors, such as motivation, beliefs, and personal control within the personality system, and parents, peers, and perceived norms regarding problematic behaviors within the environment system, which collectively influence the likelihood of engaging in problematic or socially acceptable behaviors. However, broader social structures also exert influence on the individual’s personality and environment through structural variables. The personality, perceived environment, and behavioral systems have the most direct impact on the occurrence of problematic behaviors. Within each system, variables are either motivating or controlling, producing a dynamic state termed “proneness,” which indicates the likelihood of problematic behavior. Proneness can be categorized as personality proneness, systemic proneness, and behavioral proneness. When proneness is present across all three systems, it forms the concept of overall psychosocial proneness, a central construct in this theory for predicting the occurrence and transformation of problematic behaviors (Jessor et al., 1991: 18). Jessor identified interactions among the systems, noted that risk factors predict behavioral changes more effectively than protective factors, and highlighted the peer group’s behavioral patterns as the most influential (Eslami et al., 2010: 62).
Jessor and colleagues further developed this model through longitudinal studies initiated in the 1970s, monitoring adolescents’ problematic and normative behaviors with large samples. By the 1980s, the model was extended to young adulthood, demonstrating its applicability beyond adolescence and providing valuable insights into adolescents’ social development pathways.
Methodology
This study employed a quantitative survey method. The statistical population comprised males and females aged 15–35 residing in urban areas of Fars Province, totaling 1,017,644 individuals according to the 2016 census, with 642,664 in Shiraz and 354,872 in other urban areas. Given the geographical scope, Fars Province was divided into four regions, and the most populous city in each—Shiraz, Lar, Darab, and Abadeh—was selected. In each city, eligible participants were identified through randomly selected areas based on municipal zoning maps, and data were collected via household sampling. The sample size was 1,658 individuals, and the research instrument was a researcher-designed questionnaire. Face validity was established by consulting field experts, who reached a consensus on the appropriateness of the survey tool. The reliability of the questionnaire items was assessed using Cronbach’s alpha. Bivariate and multivariate relationships were analyzed using SPSS software version 22.
Findings
The results indicate that families generally exhibit more protective behaviors against high-risk activities compared to peers. Another mid-level factor influencing violence is the immediate living environment outside the family, namely the neighborhood. Higher levels of neighborhood violence correlate with increased interpersonal violence among youth. Notably, one-third of the youth reported no civic engagement, even at the level of voluntary group membership.
Among psychological variables, empathy skills and self-esteem both reduce violence levels, with the relationship between self-esteem and violence being twice as strong as that between empathy and interpersonal violence. Engagement in other high-risk behaviors emerged as the most significant predictor of interpersonal violence. Respondents involved in verbal and physical violence who had minimal or no engagement in other high-risk behaviors exhibited significantly lower violence levels compared to those heavily involved in smoking, risky sexual behaviors, or with a history of conviction. Comparing respondents’ reported sexual activity in the past three months with their marital status reveals that some engaged in extramarital sexual relationships. Additionally, 23.2% reported having more than one sexual partner, and 34.2% experienced their first sexual encounter before age 18, indicating a shift in the younger generation’s values and attitudes toward family and sexual relationships.
The most significant factors influencing interpersonal violence include engagement in other high-risk behaviors, self-esteem, a history of violence among peers, access to alcohol, peers’ protective behavioral patterns, and dissatisfaction with life, work, and education. The findings underscore that social factors outweigh psychological factors in explaining the drivers of interpersonal violence. Among psychological factors, self-esteem was more influential, with lower self-esteem associated with higher violence levels. A history of peer violence, particularly during school years, and peer behavioral patterns were also significant. Furthermore, dissatisfaction with life, work, and education creates psychological and social conditions conducive to physical and verbal violence in personal and social interactions.
Discussion and Conclusion
In summary, a safe and supportive environment (family and peers), satisfaction with life, an optimistic future outlook, and a belief in one’s value and ability to achieve that outlook (self-esteem) can reduce violence. Research suggests that self-worth significantly enables individuals to seek non-violent solutions to conflicts, reducing the likelihood of resorting to physical or verbal violence (Hu et al., 2023: 14). Solutions to social issues, including high-risk behaviors, lie in multi-level policies within the social structure. Interventions are needed at the micro level (individual and interpersonal relationships), meso level (family, local community, and civil society), and macro level (economic and social policymaking and governance).
At the micro level, fostering a peaceful and supportive environment through educational policies in schools, emphasizing life skills training (problem-solving, anger management, empathy, assertiveness, and self-confidence), is recommended.
At the meso level, strengthening connections between individuals and their social environment is critical for reducing interpersonal violence. Enhancing community engagement at neighborhood and city levels, increasing social capital, promoting participation in local governance, and establishing small-scale institutions to foster individual and group identity can bridge gender, ethnic, and other divides, enhance teamwork and social cohesion, and prevent interpersonal violence.
At the macro level, improving governance quality is proposed to ensure that macroeconomic and socio-political development variables create a hopeful and secure outlook for youth, providing a foundation for implementing micro- and meso-level solutions to reduce social violence.
References
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* Assistant Professor, Department of Behavioral Sciences, Fars University of Technology, Shiraz, Iran.
soroush@acecr.ac.ir
** Corresponding Author: Researcher, Department of Behavioral Sciences, Fars University of Technology, Shiraz, Iran.
alborzi254@gmail.com
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