مرکز منطقه ای اطلاع رسانی علوم و فناوریپژوهش انحرافات و مسائل اجتماعی3060-821X5182026715Spatial Structure Analysis and Geographic Clustering Of Suicide in Iran at the County Levelتحلیل ساختار فضایی و خوشه‌بندی جغرافیایی خودکشی در ایران در سطح شهرستان‌ها133fa زهرهشهبازی استادیار گروه روان‌شناسی اجتماعی، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات اجتماعی جهاددانشگاهی، تهران، ایران http://orcid.org/0009-0001-2637-652xمهدیمبارکیاستادیار گروه پژوهشی توسعه اجتماعی جهاد دانشگاهی، اراک، ایران http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0515-7114202629Spatial Structure Analysis and Geographic Clustering Of Suicide in Iran at the County Level   Zohre Shahbazi<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a> Mehdi Mobaraki<a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">**</a>   Suicide, as a major public health and social concern, is not evenly distributed across geographic space and tends to exhibit distinct spatial patterns. The aim of this study is to examine the spatial structure and identify geographic clustering patterns of suicide rates at the county level in Iran in 2023. This research adopts a quantitative, cross-sectional spatial analysis approach, with counties serving as the unit of analysis. The study covers 450 counties across the country, and the main variable is the suicide rate per 100,000 population. After data cleaning and spatial linkage to county-level geographic boundaries, spatial analyses were conducted. Exploratory Spatial Data Analysis (ESDA) techniques were employed, including Global Moran’s I to assess overall spatial autocorrelation, Local Indicators of Spatial Association (LISA) to identify local clustering patterns, and Getis–Ord Gi* statistics to detect spatial hotspots and cold spots. The results of Global Moran’s I indicate a statistically significant positive spatial autocorrelation in suicide rates across Iranian counties, suggesting a non-random spatial distribution. LISA analysis reveals the presence of distinct high–high and low–low clusters, as well as spatial outliers, highlighting substantial local heterogeneity in suicide rates. In addition, hotspot analysis identifies statistically significant concentrations of high and low suicide rates in specific geographic areas, some of which overlap with the clusters detected by LISA. Overall, the findings demonstrate pronounced spatial inequality and geographic concentration in suicide rates at the county level in Iran, underscoring the importance of incorporating spatial perspectives into suicide research and prevention policies. While the study is descriptive in nature and does not address causal mechanisms, its results provide a spatially explicit foundation for future explanatory studies and regionally targeted public health interventions.   Keywords: Suicide, Spatial Analysis, Geographic Clustering, LISA, Hotspot Analysis, Iran.   Introduction Over the past three decades, suicide has gradually emerged as one of the major social health challenges in Iran. Although suicide is often examined through national averages and macro-level indicators, growing evidence suggests that it is not distributed evenly across geographical space. Instead, suicide demonstrates clear spatial disparities, with some regions experiencing substantially higher levels of risk than others. In this context, suicide should not be understood solely as an individual act or psychological phenomenon; rather, it is deeply intertwined with structural, economic, social, and spatial conditions. Contemporary scholars in sociology, social epidemiology, and human geography increasingly emphasizes that space is not merely the setting in which social phenomena occur, but an active dimension in the production and reproduction of inequality and social harm. Factors such as unemployment, poverty, regional deprivation, social disintegration, weakened social capital, migration pressures, and unequal access to opportunities may accumulate geographically and create localized concentrations of social vulnerability. Consequently, the risk of suicide may become spatially clustered rather than randomly dispersed. International research has repeatedly demonstrated that suicide tends to follow identifiable spatial patterns. Studies conducted in countries such as the United States, China, Japan, South Korea, Canada, and India have shown that suicide rates often exhibit significant spatial autocorrelation and cluster formation. High-risk clusters are frequently associated with economic marginalization, social isolation, unequal development, weak community cohesion, and structural disadvantages. In Iran, recent empirical studies have similarly highlighted the uneven spatial distribution of suicide. Existing evidence suggests that western provinces and certain northern regions experience relatively higher levels of suicide risk. However, despite these advances, most Iranian studies remain limited to the provincial scale and therefore fail to capture intra-provincial heterogeneity. In addition, many domestic studies rely primarily on descriptive mapping and have not systematically employed advanced spatial statistical techniques to identify statistically significant spatial clusters. As a result, there is still no comprehensive national-level study that systematically examines the spatial structure of suicide at the county level using standardized spatial analytical methods. This gap is particularly important from a policy perspective. When policy interventions rely solely on national or provincial averages, local disparities and high-risk areas remain hidden, leading to generalized and often ineffective prevention strategies. Spatial analysis, by contrast, can help identify geographically concentrated areas of risk and provide a stronger basis for targeted, place-based interventions. Accordingly, the present study aims to analyze the spatial structure and geographical clustering of suicide across Iranian counties in 2023. The central research question is whether suicide rates in Iranian counties exhibit significant spatial patterns and whether meaningful high-risk and low-risk clusters can be identified across the national territory?   Theoretical Framework This study draws upon an integrated theoretical framework combining classical sociology, contemporary social health theories, and social geography. Among classical sociological perspectives, Durkheim’s theory of suicide remains one of the most influential foundations for understanding suicide as a social phenomenon. Durkheim argued that suicide rates are shaped not merely by individual characteristics but by broader patterns of social integration and social regulation. Contemporary reinterpretations of Durkheim emphasize that these mechanisms also operate spatially. Regions characterized by economic instability, unemployment, social fragmentation, migration pressures, and weakened social institutions may experience higher levels of anomie and social disorganization, thereby increasing vulnerability to suicide. In contrast, areas with stronger social capital, collective efficacy, social trust, and supportive community networks may demonstrate greater resilience and lower suicide rates. Theories of social geography and spatial justice further argue that space itself is socially produced, and that unequal spatial distribution of resources, services, opportunities, and risks contributes to differentiated social outcomes. From this perspective, spatial concentrations of deprivation and inequality can generate geographically concentrated forms of social harm, including suicide. The ecological perspective associated with the Chicago School also contributes to this analysis by emphasizing the role of neighborhood transition, population instability, weakened informal control, and erosion of local social networks in generating spatial concentrations of social problems. Based on this theoretical framework, the present study assumes that suicide is shaped through a multi-level process. At the macro level, structural pressures such as economic inequality and social instability increase the likelihood of self-harming behavior. At the mesa level, forms of social regulation such as social capital, social cohesion, and collective efficacy mediate or intensify these pressures. At the spatial level, geographical concentration of resources and deprivation creates spatial dependency and cluster formation. Therefore, it is expected that suicide rates across Iranian counties will display statistically significant spatial autocorrelation and identifiable geographical clusters.   Methodology The present study employs quantitative cross-sectional spatial analytical design. Analysis unit consists of 450 counties across Iran in the year 2023. The primary variable examined in this study is the suicide rate per 100,000 population at the county level. Data on suicide cases were obtained from official institutional sources, while population data were derived from the Statistical Center of Iran. Following data cleaning and harmonization of spatial codes, the statistical data were linked to county-level geographical layers. To investigate the spatial structure of suicide, a set of exploratory spatial analysis techniques was employed. First, the spatial distribution of suicide rates was examined descriptively through thematic mapping. Subsequently, Global Moran’s I statistics were used to assess the existence of spatial autocorrelation at the national level. This index measures whether similar values tend to cluster geographically. After confirming the presence of spatial autocorrelation, Local Indicators of Spatial Association (LISA) were applied to identify local spatial clusters and spatial outliers. This technique allows classification of counties into high-high clusters, low-low clusters, high-low outliers, and low-high outliers. Additionally, the Getis-Ord Gi* statistic was employed to identify statistically significant hot spots and cold spots of suicide rates. All analyses were conducted using a spatial weight matrix based on geographical contiguity. Statistical significance was assessed at the 0.05 level. Spatial analyses and data processing were carried out using GeoDa software.   Findings Descriptive findings revealed substantial variation in suicide rates across Iranian counties. The mean suicide rate was 0.69 per 100,000 population, while the maximum recorded rate reached 3.03. Several counties reported zero cases, which may partly reflect small population sizes or differences in reporting mechanisms. Initial examination of the spatial distribution map demonstrated that suicide rates were not evenly distributed across the country. Certain areas exhibited noticeably higher or lower rates than the national average, suggesting potential spatial clustering. Results of the Global Moran’s I analysis confirmed the existence of statistically significant positive spatial autocorrelation. The Moran’s I value was 0.3269, with a Z-score of 11.18 and a significance level below 0.01. These findings indicate that counties with similar suicide rates tend to be geographically adjacent and that the spatial distribution of suicide in Iran is non-random. The LISA analysis further revealed distinct local clustering patterns. A total of 46 counties were identified as high-high clusters, meaning that counties with high suicide rates were surrounded by neighboring counties with similarly high rates. These high-risk clusters were concentrated primarily in western and southwestern regions of Iran. Counties located in provinces such as Ilam, Kermanshah, Lorestan, Khuzestan, and Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad formed major parts of these high-risk spatial clusters. In contrast, 62 counties were identified as low-low clusters, indicating concentrations of low suicide rates surrounded by similarly low-risk neighboring areas. These low-risk clusters were primarily located in eastern, southeastern, and parts of northern Iran, including regions within Sistan and Baluchistan, Razavi Khorasan, Golestan, and the Caspian coastal areas. The analysis also identified spatial outliers. High-low counties exhibited high suicide rates despite being located among lower-risk neighboring counties, while low-high counties displayed the opposite pattern. These spatial anomalies suggest that local contextual factors may produce distinct patterns even within broader high-risk or low-risk regions. Results of the Getis-Ord Gi* hot spot analysis largely confirmed the findings of the LISA analysis. Significant hot spots were concentrated in western and southwestern Iran, while cold spots were predominantly observed in eastern and southeastern regions. The considerable overlap between high-high clusters and hot spots indicates relative stability and persistence of spatial concentration patterns.   Discussion and Conclusion The findings of this study demonstrate that suicide in Iran follows a clear and statistically significant spatial structure. The existence of positive spatial autocorrelation and the identification of high-risk and low-risk clusters indicate that geographical context plays a substantial role in shaping suicide patterns. From a theoretical perspective, the concentration of high-risk clusters in specific regions can be interpreted through concepts such as social anomie, structural deprivation, weakened social integration, and spatial concentration of inequality.   References Ackermann, K., Erhardt, J., & Freitag, M. (2023) Crafting Social Integration? Welfare State and Volunteering Across Social Groups and Policy Areas in 23 European Countries. 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Public Mental Health, 14. <a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2023.1174071">https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2023.1174071</a>.     <a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Corresponding Author: Assistant Professor, Department of Social Psychology, Institute for Humanities and Social Studies (IHSS) in ACECR, Tehran, Iran. https://orcid.org/0009-0001-2637-652x Shahbazi@acecr.ac.ir <a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">**</a> Assistant Professor, Department of Social Development Research, ACECR, Arak, Iran. https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0515-7114  Mobaraki@acecr.ac.irخودکشی به &zwnj;عنوان یکی از چالش&zwnj;های مهم سلامت اجتماعی، در سطح جغرافیایی به&zwnj;&zwnj; طور یکنواخت توزیع نمی&zwnj;شود و الگوهای مکانی متمایزی را نشان می&zwnj;دهد. هدف این پژوهش، تحلیل ساختار فضایی و شناسایی خوشه&zwnj;های مکانی نرخ خودکشی در شهرستان&zwnj;های ایران طی سال ۱۴۰۲ است. مطالعه حاضر از نوع کمّی با رویکرد تحلیل فضایی مقطعی بوده، واحد تحلیل آن ۴۵۰ شهرستان کشور است. متغیر اصلی، نرخ خودکشی به &zwnj;ازای هر صدهزار نفر جمعیت بود که پس از پالایش داده&zwnj;ها و اتصال به لایه&zwnj;های جغرافیایی بررسی شد. برای تحلیل الگوهای مکانی، مجموعه&zwnj;ای از روش&zwnj;های تحلیل فضایی اکتشافی شامل شاخص خودهمبستگی فضایی کلی موران، شاخص&zwnj;های خودهمبستگی فضایی محلی و تحلیل نقاط داغ و سرد به &zwnj;کار گرفته شد. نتایج آزمون موران نشان داد که توزیع نرخ خودکشی در سطح شهرستان&zwnj;ها دارای خودهمبستگی فضایی مثبت و معنادار است و از الگوی تصادفی تبعیت نمی&zwnj;کند. یافته&zwnj;های تحلیل محلی نیز وجود خوشه&zwnj;های پرخطر و کم&zwnj;خطر فضایی و الگوهای واگرای مکانی را در بخش&zwnj;هایی از کشور آشکار ساخت. علاوه بر این، نتایج تحلیل نقاط داغ و سرد بیانگر تمرکزهای مکانی معنادار نرخ&zwnj;های بالا و پایین خودکشی بود که در برخی نواحی با خوشه&zwnj;های شناسایی&zwnj;شده همپوشانی داشتند. این نتایج بر ناهمگنی و تمرکز فضایی نرخ خودکشی در ایران دلالت داشته، ضرورت توجه به بعد مکانی در تحلیل&zwnj;ها و سیاست&zwnj;گذاری&zwnj;های پیشگیرانه را برجسته می&zwnj;سازد.

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مرکز منطقه ای اطلاع رسانی علوم و فناوریپژوهش انحرافات و مسائل اجتماعی3060-821X5182026715Examining the Relationship Between the Human Development Index and Suicide Rates at Provincial Level in Iran: A Secondary Analysis of Official Statistics (2011–2021)بررسی رابطه بین شاخص توسعۀ انسانی و نرخ خودکشی استان‌های کشور: تحلیل ثانویۀ آمارهای 1390- 14006797fa اسماعیل جهانی دولت آبادعضو هیات علمی دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران0000-0001-8983-448Xحسینحیدریاستادیار گروه جامعه شناسی پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات اجتماعی جهاددانشگاهی00000002376324292026214Examining the Relationship Between the Human Development Index and Suicide Rates at Provincial Level in Iran: A Secondary Analysis of Official Statistics (2011–2021)   Esmaeil Jahanidolatabad<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a> Hossein Heidari<a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">**</a>   The aim of this study is to analyze the relationship between the Human Development Index and suicide rates across the provinces of Iran. The research employed a secondary data analysis approach, with suicide data obtained from the Legal Medicine Organization and human development indicators extracted from the World Health Organization. Findings indicate that suicide rates at both national and provincial levels exhibited an increasing trend during the 2011–2021 decade. Results reveal a positive and statistically significant relationship between the Human Development Index and suicide rates, such that provinces with higher levels of human development, on average, displayed higher suicide rates. Among the sub-indices, the education and income components show positive and significant associations with suicide rates, whereas the health index does not demonstrate a significant relationship. Moreover, changes in the Human Development Index particularly changes in the education index over the study period are positively and significantly correlated with increases in provincial suicide rates. Regression analysis indicates that the combination of human development variables explains 40% of the variance in suicide rates, with changes in the education and income indices contributing the most. These results suggest that human development in Iran is not necessarily associated with reductions in social harms and, at certain levels, correlates with increased psychological pressures, social fragmentation, and crises of meaning, highlighting the need to reconceptualize human development with an emphasis on the quality of social relations, distributive justice, and social cohesion.   Keywords: Human Development Index; Education; Income; Suicide Rate; Secondary Analysis.   Introduction Since its emergence, sociology has been concerned with understanding the formation of social order, collective cohesion, and the conditions under which accepted norms are disrupted. From this perspective, phenomena such as suicide, addiction, delinquency, and other forms of social deviance are not regarded as merely individual behaviors; rather, they are reflections of the structural, cultural, and institutional arrangements of a society. Emphasizing the social nature of suicide, Durkheim demonstrated that this phenomenon should not be analyzed solely at the individual psychological level, but must be examined in relation to the degree of social integration and regulation. Merton, in turn, conceptualized deviance as the outcome of a discrepancy between culturally prescribed goals and the legitimate means of achieving them, showing that unequal structural conditions can foster the emergence of deviant behaviors. The central question of the present study is whether improvements in human development indicators in Iran’s provinces necessarily lead to a reduction in social harms, or whether, under specific social and cultural conditions, this relationship may be different, complex, or even reversed. From this vantage point, suicide is not simply an individual or psychological phenomenon; it is a social event shaped by macro-structures of development, inequality, quality of life, and institutional transformations. A considerable body of international research has sought to examine the relationships between development, education, income, health, and various social outcomes. A strand of this literature assumes that increasing levels of human development should naturally be accompanied by reductions in harms such as poverty, violence, and suicide, given that development enhances both access to resources and quality of life. However, empirical findings have not consistently confirmed such a straightforward relationship. In some cases, economic and social growth has been accompanied by rising expectations, competitive pressures, status inequalities, and the erosion of traditional support systems, thereby contributing to increases in certain social problems, including suicide. In Iran, the absence of provincial and longitudinal studies that simultaneously investigate the relationship between the Human Development Index and its components (income, education, and health) and suicide rates has imposed serious limitations on understanding the mechanisms underlying this socio-psychological phenomenon. This gap becomes particularly salient in light of the substantial economic, cultural, and social differences across provinces. Each province exhibits distinct conditions with respect to economic opportunities, educational attainment, access to health services, and social support networks, all of which may alter the shape and intensity of the relationship between human development and suicide. Accordingly, the main research question of this study is whether the Human Development Index and its components were associated with suicide rates in Iran’s provinces during the decade 2011–2021, and, if so, what patterns and mechanisms characterize this relationship. Addressing this question can provide a basis for formulating more effective policies for suicide prevention and for promoting psychosocial well-being at the provincial level.   Methodology This study employs an analytical–exploratory design and is based on the secondary analysis of official statistics. Data on suicide were obtained from the Iranian Legal Medicine Organization, and data related to human development indicators were drawn from World Health Organization (WHO) sources. The temporal scope of the study covers the years 2011 to 2021, and the unit of analysis is the provinces of Iran. In this research, the dependent variable is the provincial suicide rate, while the main independent variable is the Human Development Index and its components, namely education, income, and health. Relying on statistical methods, the article examines the relationships among these variables and, in particular, uses regression analysis to assess the extent to which variations in suicide rates can be explained by human development indicators. The use of secondary analysis allows the researcher to address new research questions without collecting primary data, by drawing on existing statistical sources—an approach that is especially important in macro-level and regional social studies. Accordingly, the study has a cross-sectional comparative character at the provincial level, even though the data have been collected and analyzed over a multi-year period. The methodological logic of the article is to compare provinces and track changes in the Human Development Index and suicide rates over time in order to identify patterns of correlation and influence between them. The statistical results derived from these analyses are used to test the research hypotheses.   Findings The findings of the article indicate that during the 2010s, suicide rates increased at both the national and provincial levels. This result suggests that, contrary to common expectations, suicide in Iran followed an upward trend over the study period and cannot be regarded as a problem confined to only a few specific provinces. Furthermore, the results show a positive and statistically significant relationship between the Human Development Index and suicide rates; in other words, in provinces with higher levels of human development, suicide rates were in many cases also higher. At the component level, the findings are likewise noteworthy. The article reports that education and income are positively and significantly associated with suicide rates, whereas the health component is not statistically significant. This result is particularly important, as it demonstrates that not all dimensions of human development are related to suicide in the same way. Some components especially education and income—may, through specific social mechanisms, be linked to an increase in psycho-social harms. Conversely, the non-significance of the health component may indicate that, at the provincial level, its effect on suicide is neither direct nor obvious, or that it is shaped by other mediating variables. The findings also show that changes in the Human Development Index, particularly in the education component, are positively correlated with increases in suicide rates. This suggests that development in its conventional sense, at least within the Iranian social context, has not necessarily led to a reduction in social problems and, in some cases, has been accompanied by rising tensions and harms. One of the key quantitative results of the study is that the regression model explains 40 percent of the variance in suicide rates. This proportion reflects a relatively substantial explanatory power of the model, although a considerable share of the variation in suicide rates remains dependent on other factors.   Discussion In the discussion section, the article emphasizes that the relationship between human development and suicide in Iran is neither simple nor linear. Contrary to the common expectation that improvements in human development should lead to a reduction in social harms, the findings indicate that within the Iranian context, increases in certain human development indicators have been accompanied by higher suicide rates. This pattern may be explained through several social mechanisms. First, development may raise expectations, intensify social comparisons, and generate pressures for success. Second, the expansion of education and income if not accompanied by social justice, cultural cohesion, and institutional support may produce new inequalities and feelings of relative deprivation. Third, developmental transformations may weaken traditional patterns of social support and solidarity. The findings are implicitly consistent with perspectives that emphasize the dual nature of development: development is not only a source of opportunities but also a potential generator of tension, pressure, and social harm. In this regard, the article demonstrates that the Human Development Index in Iran does not necessarily reflect a comprehensive improvement in social well-being. Relying solely on increases in education or income cannot automatically be expected to reduce suicide rates. Rather, it is necessary to incorporate factors such as the quality of social institutions, distributive justice, psychosocial support systems, and social capital into the analysis. In conclusion, the study suggests that human development in Iran has not necessarily been accompanied by a reduction in social harms, including suicide. Therefore, social policy should avoid a one-dimensional approach to development and should distinguish between the growth of quantitative indicators and their actual social consequences. 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[In Persian] <a href="https://doi.org/10.22108/srspi.2023.138482.1921">https://doi.org/20.1001.1.2383353.1400.10.9.1.7</a>.       <a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Associate Professor, Department of History and Sociology, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabil, Iran. <a href="mailto:sml.jahani@uma.ac.ir">sml.jahani@uma.ac.ir</a> http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8983-448X <a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">**</a> Corresponding Author: Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Institute for Humanities and social Studies in ACECR, Tehran, Iran. <a href="mailto:heidari@acecr.ac.ir">heidari@acecr.ac.ir</a>               https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3763-2429هدف این پژوهش، تحلیل رابطۀ بین شاخص توسعۀ انسانی و نرخ خودکشی در استان&zwnj;های کشور است. روش پژوهش تحلیل ثانویه بوده، داده&zwnj;های مربوط به خودکشی از سازمان پزشکی قانونی و شاخص&zwnj;های توسعۀ انسانی از سازمان بهداشت جهانی استخراج شده&zwnj;اند. یافته&zwnj;ها نشان می&zwnj;دهد که نرخ خودکشی در سطح ملی و استانی طی دهۀ ۱۳۹۰، روندی افزایشی دارد. نتایج بیانگر وجود رابطۀ مثبت و معنادار میان شاخص توسعۀ انسانی و نرخ خودکشی است؛ به &zwnj;گونه&zwnj;ای که استان&zwnj;های برخوردار از سطوح بالاتر توسعۀ انسانی، به&zwnj; طور متوسط نرخ&zwnj;های بالاتری از خودکشی را نشان داده&zwnj;اند. در میان زیرشاخص&zwnj;ها، دو مؤلفۀ آموزش و درآمد، رابطۀ مثبت و معنادار با نرخ خودکشی داشتهاند، در حالی&zwnj; که شاخص سلامت، رابطۀ معناداری با این متغیر ندارد. همچنین تغییرات شاخص توسعۀ انسانی و به&zwnj;ویژه تغییرات شاخص آموزش در طول دهۀ مورد مطالعه، همبستگی مثبت و معناداری با افزایش نرخ خودکشی در استان&zwnj;ها داشته&zwnj;اند. نتایج مدل رگرسیونی نشان می&zwnj;دهد که ترکیب متغیرهای توسعۀ انسانی، ۴۰ درصد از واریانس نرخ خودکشی را تبیین کرده است و در این میان، تغییرات شاخص آموزش و شاخص درآمد، بیشترین نقش را دارند. نتایج نشان داد که توسعۀ انسانی در ایران لزوماً با کاهش آسیب&zwnj;های اجتماعی همراه نبوده و در برخی سطوح، با افزایش فشارهای روانی، گسست اجتماعی و بحران معنا همبستگی دارد؛ امری که ضرورت بازاندیشی در مفهوم توسعۀ انسانی با تأکید بر کیفیت روابط اجتماعی، عدالت توزیعی و انسجام اجتماعی را برجسته می&zwnj;سازد.

http://risi.ihss.ac.ir/fa/Article/Download/53033

مرکز منطقه ای اطلاع رسانی علوم و فناوریپژوهش انحرافات و مسائل اجتماعی3060-821X5182026715The Roots and Causes of Suicide in Iranian Society: An Overview of National Surveys (2002–2025)ریشه و دلایل خودکشی در جامعه ایرانی: مروری بر پیمایش‌های ملی (1381 الی 1404)3565faطاهاعشایری دانشیار گروه جامعه¬شناسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایرانhttp://orcid.org/0000-0001-8210-8899علیمیرزاپوردانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه محقق اردبیلی، اردبیل، ایران https://orcid.org/0009-0004-4392-2301 2026219The Roots and Causes of Suicide in Iranian Society: An Overview of National Surveys (2002–2025)   Taha Ashayeri<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a>  Ali Mirzapour<a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">**</a>   Suicide, as a complex social harm, results from the interaction of multidimensional factors and has been on the rise in Iranian society. This study aims to systematically explain and analyze the social, cultural, economic, and psychological factors influencing suicidal tendencies in Iran. The research method employed was a quantitative meta-analysis. Through systematic searches in the SID, Magiran, and IranDoc databases, 32 valid studies from the period 2002 to 2025 were selected. Data were analyzed using CMA software version 3 with a random-effects model. The findings indicate that social factors (family conflicts, substance abuse, social capital, social pressures, social deprivation, and history of deviant behavior), cultural factors (cultural capital, media consumption, risky lifestyles, religiosity, literacy, and cultural awareness), economic factors (class inequality, unemployment, economic instability, and inflation), and psychological factors (social isolation, self-confidence, social hope, and sense of worth) have significantly influenced the tendency toward suicide during 2002–2025. The conclusion emphasizes that preventive interventions should focus on strengthening social and cultural capitals (especially religiosity and support networks) and reducing structural risk factors (inequality, isolation, and risky lifestyles).   Keywords: Suicide, Social Capital, Religiosity, Class Inequality, Social Isolation.   Introduction Suicide refers to the intentional act of ending one’s own life and is widely recognized as a preventable phenomenon with profound consequences for individuals, families, and societies. A wide range of social, cultural, and contextual conditions influence mental health outcomes and may increase the likelihood of suicidal behavior. Cultural norms, collective traditions, and social environments can therefore shape suicide-related behaviors and provide a basis for prevention strategies. In legal and medical contexts, suicide is identified when evidence confirms that an individual intentionally performed an act to end their life. Suicidal behavior is generally understood as the outcome of complex interactions among psychological vulnerabilities and broader social and economic conditions. Factors such as poverty, developmental inequalities, and public health crises can influence suicide patterns, although their impact varies across socio-cultural contexts. In addition, cultural norms, poverty, and limited social awareness, along with family conflicts, social disintegration, depression, anxiety, and substance abuse, have been identified as important risk factors. Globally, suicide remains a major public health concern, accounting for approximately 800,000 deaths annually and occurring particularly among young people aged 15–25. From a sociological perspective, Durkheim conceptualized suicide as a social fact shaped by structural conditions rather than merely individual issues. Subsequent studies have emphasized the role of broader social contexts such as welfare systems, family structures, and employment opportunities as the reasons of suicide. In Iran, suicide has increased in recent years. Between 2011 and 2021 (1390–1400), the annual average of suicide reached 3,616 cases, rising from 2,598 to 5,085, indicating a clear upward trend. Despite numerous studies on suicide conducted between 2002 and 2025 (1381–1404), findings remain fragmented and lack of theoretical integration. Therefore, this study employs a quantitative meta-analysis to synthesize previous empirical research and identify the most significant social, cultural, economic, and psychological determinants of suicidal tendencies in Iran.     Theoretical Framework Suicide has long been conceptualized as a multidimensional phenomenon shaped by the interaction of social, psychological, cultural, and biological factors. Although the term derives from the Latin sui (self) and caedere (to kill) sociological approaches emphasize that suicide cannot be reduced to an individual or pathological act. Durkheim regarded suicide as a social fact reflecting dysfunctions within the social structure rather than merely personal pathology. Contemporary institutional definitions similarly define suicide as intentional self-inflicted death while distinguishing suicidal ideation, suicide attempts, and completed suicide. Suicidal behavior encompasses a broad spectrum including suicidal ideation, self-harm, symbolic gestures, interrupted attempts, near-lethal attempts, and completed suicide .In this framework, suicidal ideation may involve verbal expressions of self-destructive intent or non-lethal self-injurious.Consequently, suicide attempts and non-suicidal self-injury have become major areas of sociological and medical inquiry .Among sociological theories, Durkheim’s Suicide theory (1897) remains foundational. Through comparative statistical analysis, he argued that suicide rates are shaped by broader social conditions rather than solely by individual psychology. Durkheim identified two central structural dimensions: social integration, referring to individuals’ attachment to collective life, and social regulation, referring to normative constraints governing behavior. Balanced levels of both dimensions maintain social order, whereas imbalance increases suicide risk. Based on these dimensions, Durkheim identified four types of suicide: egoistic suicide resulting from weak integration, altruistic suicide from excessive integration, anomic suicide from weakened regulation during periods of instability, and fatalistic suicide from excessive regulation and oppressive control. Accordingly, suicide reflects broader structural dynamics and the relationship between individuals and society rather than merely individual pathology.   Methodology This study utilizes a quantitative meta-analysis to systematically synthesize empirical research on determinants of suicidal tendencies in Iran. The statistical population comprises 70 studies published between 2002 and 2025 (1381–1404), with 32 selected through purposive sampling based on inclusion criteria emphasizing relevance and availability of quantitative data such as effect sizes, correlations, or significance values. Studies lacking sufficient quantitative data or methodological clarity were excluded. Systematic searches were conducted in major Iranian academic databases (Magiran, NoorMags, SID, Humanities Research Institute), supplemented by accessible sampling to ensure comprehensive coverage. Data extraction and coding were rigorously performed from selected studies. Data analysis employed Comprehensive Meta-Analysis (CMA) software. A random-effects model was used to accommodate heterogeneity across studies and estimate pooled effect sizes, elucidating the relationship between social, cultural, economic, and psychological factors and suicidal tendencies in Iran.   Findings The meta-analytic results indicate that all examined categories of variables show statistically significant relationships with suicidal tendencies in Iran (p < 0.001). Among social factors, family conflicts demonstrate a positive relationship with suicidal tendencies (effect size = 0.183), suggesting that heightened familial tensions increase the likelihood of suicidal inclinations. Similarly, weak social support and social isolation were associated with increased suicidal tendencies, reflecting the importance of social integration and interpersonal networks in protecting individuals from suicide risk. Regarding cultural factors, variables such as cultural norms, value conflicts, and social stigma surrounding mental health also showed significant associations with suicidal tendencies. These findings highlight the role of cultural expectations, traditional norms, and community attitudes in shaping individuals’ coping strategies and help-seeking behaviors. Economic factors likewise demonstrated meaningful relationships with suicidal tendencies. Conditions such as unemployment, economic insecurity, and financial stress were positively associated with suicide risk, indicating that structural economic pressures and material deprivation can intensify feelings of hopelessness and social marginalization. Finally, psychological factors showed some of the strongest associations with suicidal tendencies. Variables including depression, anxiety, hopelessness, and substance abuse were significantly related to suicide risk, underscoring the interaction between psychological vulnerability and broader social conditions. Overall, the meta-analysis demonstrates that suicidal tendencies in Iran are shaped by the combined influence of social, cultural, economic, and psychological determinants, reflecting the multidimensional nature of suicide as both a psychosocial and structural phenomenon.   Discussion and Conclusion Suicide in Iranian society transcends an individual psychological crisis, representing structural dysfunctions in social integration, cultural meaning, and economic stability. This meta-analysis reveals that suicidal tendencies arise from the interplay of social pressures, economic insecurity, diminishing social capital, and psychological vulnerabilities. The uneven suicide risk among youth, women, and marginalized populations underscores the structural dimension of this issue. Social determinants such as family conflicts and substance abuse elevate suicide risk by undermining primary support systems, whereas social capital serves as a crucial protective factor. Echoing Durkheim’s social integration and Merton’s strain theory, pressures amplify when culturally valued goals—like employment and family formation—are unattainable (Durkheim, 1897; Merton, 1938). Social deprivation and deviant behaviors further reflect marginalization, increasing psychosocial vulnerability. Cultural factors yield dual effects: religiosity is the strongest protective influence, offering moral frameworks that alleviate existential despair. Cultural capital and literacy bolster cognitive resilience, whereas high-risk lifestyles and suicide-related media exposure heighten vulnerability, especially among youths navigating normative uncertainty in social transition. Economic variables, including class inequality, unemployment, inflation, and instability, highlight how structural economic stresses foster suicidal tendencies. These contribute to relative deprivation and economic anomie, particularly where social status is tied to occupational identity. Psychological dimensions—social isolation, low self-confidence, reduced social hope, and diminished self-worth—mirror the internalization of structural inequalities. Aligned with Honneth’s recognition theory, lack of social acknowledgment deepens identity crises, escalating suicide risk. In sum, suicide in Iran is a multidimensional phenomenon shaped by interlinked social, cultural, economic, and psychological factors. Prevention demands integrated strategies: strengthening community networks, expanding economic opportunities, nurturing cultural resilience, and promoting psychological well-being through coordinated social and health policies.   References Arafat, S. M. Y. & Kar, S. K. 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Social Welfare Quarterly, 7(27), 53–72. <a href="http://refahj.uswr.ac.ir/article-%DB%B1-%DB%B2%DB%B0%DB%B1%DB%B5-fa.html">http://refahj.uswr.ac.ir/article-1-2015-fa.html</a> (In Persian) Vafaei, A., & Dolatiaryan, K. (2025) Structural analysis of factors influencing high-risk suicidal behavior in Nourabad, Lorestan. Geography and Urban Planning Quarterly, 15(58), 89–110. <a href="https://faculty.kashanu.ac.ir/vafaei/fa/articlesInPublications/18335">https://faculty.kashanu.ac.ir/vafaei/fa/articlesInPublications/18335</a> (In Persian)     <a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Corresponding Author: Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences,University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabili, Iran.  <a href="mailto:t.ashayeri@uma.ac.ir">t.ashayeri@uma.ac.ir</a> https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8210-8899 <a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">*</a>* M.A. Student in Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili, Ardabili, Iran. <a href="mailto:Alimirzapour027@gmail.com">Alimirzapour027@gmail.com</a>  https://orcid.org/0009-0004-4392-2301خودکشی به &zwnj;عنوان یک آسیب اجتماعی پیچیده، ناشی از تعامل عوامل چندبُعدی است که در جامعه ایرانی، روند روزافزونی دارد. این پژوهش با هدف تبیین و تحلیل نظام&zwnj;مند عوامل اجتماعی، فرهنگی، اقتصادی و روانی مؤثر بر گرایش به خودکشی در ایران انجام شده است. روش تحقیق، فراتحلیل کمّی بود که با جست&zwnj;وجوی سیستماتیک در پایگاه&zwnj;های اطلاعاتی SID، Magiran و IranDoc، 32 مطالعه معتبر در بازه زمانی 1381 تا 1404 انتخاب شد. داده&zwnj;ها با نرم&zwnj;افزارهای CMA نسخه 3 و با استفاده از مدل اثرات تصادفی تحلیل شد. یافته&zwnj;ها نشان داد که عوامل اجتماعی (اختلافات خانوادگی، مصرف موادمخدر، سرمایه اجتماعی، فشارهای اجتماعی، محرومیت اجتماعی و سابقه رفتار انحرافی)، فرهنگی (سرمایه فرهنگی، مصرف رسانه&zwnj;ای، سبک زندگی پرخطر، دین&zwnj;داری، سواد و آگاهی فرهنگی)، اقتصادی (نابرابری طبقاتی، بیکاری، بی&zwnj;ثباتی اقتصادی و تورم) و عوامل روانی (انزوای اجتماعی، اعتماد به &zwnj;نفس، امیدواری اجتماعی و احساس ارزشمندی) در گرایش به خودکشی طی سال&zwnj;های 1381-1404 تأثیرگذار بوده است. نتیجه&zwnj;گیری نشان داد که مداخلات پیشگیرانه باید بر تقویت سرمایه&zwnj;های اجتماعی و فرهنگی (به&zwnj;ویژه دین&zwnj;داری و شبکه&zwnj;های حمایتی) و کاهش عوامل خطر ساختاری (نابرابری، انزوا و سبک زندگی پرخطر) متمرکز شوند.

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