مرکز منطقه ای اطلاع رسانی علوم و فناوریپژوهش انحرافات و مسائل اجتماعی3060-821X3102025226Women and Sexual Harassment in The Workplaceزنان و آزار جنسی در محیط کار130faفرشتهزمانیدانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد جامعه‌شناسی دانشگاه گیلان، ایران هدا حلاج زادهاستادیار گروه جامعه‌شناسی دانشگاه گیلان، ایران 0000000231825836 فردین علیخواهدانشیار گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشگاه گیلان، ایران 00000001724045042024112 Women and Sexual Harassment in The Workplace   Fereshteh Zamani<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a> Hoda Hallajzadeh<a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">**</a> Fardin Alikhah<a href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3">***</a>   This study aims to socially analyze the lived experiences of working women regarding sexual harassment in the workplace. A qualitative research method was employed for this investigation. A total of 31 working women from both formal and informal sectors (judicial and sales professions) in the city of Roudsar were selected through purposive sampling. Data were collected through semi-structured and in-depth interviews and analyzed using open, axial, and selective coding methods. The findings revealed three main forms of sexual harassment: verbal, non-verbal, and physical. Verbal harassment included repeated sexual propositions, persistent requests for mobile phone numbers, unsolicited expressions of affection, threats, and sexual innuendos. Non-verbal harassment involved sexist gestures, acts mimicking sexual behavior, and voyeurism. Physical harassment consisted of inappropriate touching, excessive proximity, and unwanted physical contact. The responses to these incidents varied, including personal avoidance, verbal reprimands, and proactive confrontations. In many cases, women perceived the harassment as normalized by society, while threats from the perpetrators, lack of evidence, and absence of witnesses complicated their ability to seek justice. The consequences of such harassment included psychological distress, social isolation, and a growing distrust of society.   Keywords: Violence, Sexual harassment, Sexual violence, Working women, Violence against women. Extended abstract Sexual abuse of women and violence against them have existed as long as the oldest myths (Raisi Sarteshnizi, 2002: 2). Violence against women is not an issue specific to one country or group but occurs across all nationalities, classes, and social groups (Khosravi, 2018: 20). Sexual harassment, one of the manifestations of violence against women and a form of gender discrimination, includes repeated and unilateral verbal and sexual propositions, catcalls, derogatory and implicitly sexual comments, and gender-discriminatory remarks that are distressing for the target, causing a sense of danger, humiliation, intimidation, or suffering (Ahmadi & Biwarani, 2016: 2; Ham & Gambel, 2003: 403). Women, regardless of their socio-economic status, experience sexual harassment, which has significant effects on the victims (Paknahad, 2013: 14). The common feature of all these behaviors is the dissatisfaction of the subject (women) and the harm to their spiritual integrity (Paknahad, 2013: 2). The central issue of this research is the sexual harassment of working women. The research questions are as follows: <ol> <li>What is the lived experience of women regarding sexual harassment in the workplace?</li> <li>What reactions do working women show to various forms of verbal, non-verbal, and physical sexual harassment in the workplace?</li> <li>What type of sexual harassment do working women most often experience in their workplace?</li> <li>What are the personal and social consequences of sexual harassment on the lives of working women?</li> </ol> The goal of this study was to understand and interpret working women's experiences of sexual harassment in the workplace and to categorize the types of sexual harassment. Thus, this research was conducted using a qualitative approach and interpretive paradigm, focusing on the lived experience of working women regarding sexual harassment in the workplace. The study population consisted of working women in the city of Rudsar. The inclusion criterion was employment in formal and informal workplaces in Rudsar. The participants were women working in various positions within the judiciary (court staff) and retail jobs. The sampling method was purposive and theoretical, with the selection criterion being at least one year of work experience and consent to participate in the research. The sample size was determined based on theoretical saturation, which reached 31 participants, with 17 working in the judiciary sector and 14 in retail positions. Data collection was conducted using semi-structured and in-depth interviews. Interviews were conducted with a total of 31 participants. Data collection took place online. The data were analyzed using Colaizzi’s method (1987). Theoretical frameworks such as symbolic interactionism, feminist theory, and social learning theory were influential in guiding the research concerns and were used as references in the data analysis. Based on this process, the following data were extracted: Verbal harassment, such as unsolicited affection (despite the woman’s disinterest and denial), was prevalent in formal workplaces, such as those in the judiciary. The offering of friendship and insistence on it despite the woman's objections, as well as threats if the request was denied, verbal forms of sexual harassment identified in these workplaces. Verbal harassment in the form of insistence on obtaining the woman's phone number despite her disinterest was also common in informal workplaces such as retail. Another form of verbal harassment involved the use of sexual innuendos. This form of harassment was also prevalent in the mentioned work environments. Non-verbal harassment often took the form of lustful and lecherous glances in formal workplaces, such as legal positions. In informal workplaces like retail, it was characterized by pretending to perform sexual acts. Voyeurism and lingering, meaningful gazes were notable examples of non-verbal sexual harassment. Physical sexual harassment included unwarranted proximity to the woman and intentional touching of her body in formal workplaces, such as in legal jobs, and hand-touching in informal workplaces like retail. The harassment of getting too close to the woman was another form of physical harassment present in these environments. In response to verbal sexual harassment, employees in the judiciary sector often preferred to distance themselves from the perpetrator, employ personal behaviors such as becoming serious, giving verbal warnings, and dismissing the harassment as unimportant in front of the harasser. They believed that society does not consider such harassment by men towards women as a social issue, and this behavior is normalized. Other reasons for their responses (distance from the harasser and avoidance of the work environment) included disappointment with the reliability of legal authorities (police and courts) in pursuing such cases, as well as the threat from the harasser, who may hinder the woman’s career success if her request is not accepted. For non-verbal sexual harassment in formal workplaces, women in the judiciary sector often distanced themselves from the harasser, avoided eye contact, and took preventive measures like dressing appropriately at work. They decided not to engage with the harasser again, as they had no evidence to support the harassment. Complaints to legal authorities were seen as ineffective without proof and witnesses. In response to physical sexual harassment in formal workplaces, victims from the judiciary sector preferred to distance themselves from the perpetrator. In informal workplaces, such as retail, when faced with verbal sexual harassment, workers often prefer to discreetly remove the harasser from their environment. They cited fear of societal stigma as the reason for this reaction. Another reason for this response was the fear of retaliation from the harasser if a formal complaint was made. Additionally, the victim would sometimes threaten the harasser with reporting them to the police. For non-verbal sexual harassment in informal workplaces, retail workers often preferred to react with indifference, such as ignoring the harasser, as they had no proof of the harassment and recognized that legal complaints require witnesses. In response to physical sexual harassment in informal workplaces, retail workers would often confront the harasser directly, removing them from the environment, as they believed that failure to act would make such harassment more widespread. The personal consequences of sexual harassment in formal workplaces included short-term stress and discomfort, along with long-term feelings of doubt, mistrust, and suspicion towards men in society. Social consequences included limiting social relationships in the workplace and a tendency to act coldly when interacting with male colleagues, thus distancing themselves from them. Experiencing sexual harassment in the workplace led to women limiting their work-related social interactions. In informal workplaces, the personal consequences of sexual harassment included persistent feelings of doubt, mistrust, and suspicion towards men in society, which were experienced by many retail workers. The social consequences in retail workplaces included decisions to quit the job and a constant lack of trust when making decisions about choosing a workplace or considering marriage. Although sexual harassment is considered a crime by law, with punishments for the perpetrators, women who are harassed often prefer to react conservatively, modifying their behavior and dress, passively limiting their contact with the harasser and avoiding the workplace. However, women can unite and collectively reject the harasser from their workplace. When women share their harassment experiences with each other, they create a supportive social network, which can act as a shield against future harassment. On the one hand, harassers are identified, and on the other, the awareness of other women about the different forms of sexual harassment is increased. Fear often causes individuals to retreat from their positions, but women can overcome the fear of societal stigma and prioritize their mental and physical well-being, reacting to sexual harassment accordingly. As long as there is no evidence or witnesses to support the harassment, the informal responses mentioned above can be seen as a form of resistance.   References Ahmadi, Y., & Biwarani, S. (2016) Study of the Effect of Parents' Socio-Cultural Components on Sexual (Street) Harassment of Male Children. Journal of Social Studies and Research in Iran,(5), 3, 436-413.[in Persian] Ham, M., & Gambel, S. (2003) Culture of Feminist Theories, translated by Firoozeh Mohajer et al. Tehran: Tose'e Publications. [in Persian] Khosravi, Khalil (2018) Sexual crimes against women in the international arena, edited by Negar Jafari, Tehran, Qonunyar. [in Persian] Paknahad, Amir (2013) "Criminal-legal analysis of sexual harassment", Criminal Law Research Journal, fourth year, number 2, pp. 7-13. [in Persian] Raisi Sarteshnizi, Amrullah (2002) "Violence against women and factors affecting it (case study: Shahrekord city)", Women's Research Quarterly, No. 3, pp. 45-66. [in Persian]   <a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> M.A in Sociology, University of Guilan, Iran. <a href="mailto:fereshte.zamani74@gmail.com">fereshte.zamani74@gmail.com</a> <a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">**</a> Corresponding Author: Assistant Professor of Sociology Department, University Guilan, Iran. hhz_72@yahoo.com <a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3">***</a> Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Gilan University, Iran. <a href="mailto:faralikhah@gmail.com">faralikhah@gmail.com</a>   مطالعة حاضر با هدف تحلیل اجتماعی تجربة زیستة زنان شاغل از آزار جنسی در محیط کار انجام گرفته است. در این مطالعه از روش کیفی استفاده شده است. بدین منظور، 31 زن شاغل در دو حوزة رسمی و غیر رسمی (قضایی و فروشندگی) در شهر رودسر به شیوة نمونهگیری هدفمند انتخاب شدند. برای جمعآوری دادهها از مصاحبة نیمهاستاندارد و عمیق استفاده شده است. تجزیه و تحلیل داده&zwnj;ها به شیوة کدگذاری باز، محوری و گزینشی صورت گرفته است. طبق این فرایند، داده&zwnj;های زیر استخراج شد: آزارهای جنسی کلامی: پیشنهادهای مکرر و یکطرفة لفظی و جنسی؛ آزارهای جنسی غیر کلامی: اشارات تبعیضآمیز جنسی؛ آزارهای فیزیکی: لمس کردن ناجور و نامناسب بدن؛ واکنش&zwnj;ها پس از آزار جنسی: شخصی و محافظه&zwnj;کارانه، شخصی و کنشگرانه؛ پیامدهای آن: فشار روحی و روانی، انزوای اجتماعی و بی&zwnj;اعتمادی اجتماعی.

http://risi.ihss.ac.ir/ar/Article/Download/48465

مرکز منطقه ای اطلاع رسانی علوم و فناوریپژوهش انحرافات و مسائل اجتماعی3060-821X3102025226The Resocialization Process of Transgender Men in Mashhadفرایند بازاجتماعی ‌شدن مردان ترنس در مشهد3162faمجیدفولادیاندانشیار گروه علوم اجتماعی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، ایران امیرآراد قراولدانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد پژوهشگری علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، ایرانفاطمهدرخشان فردانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد پژوهشگری علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، ایران 202493The Resocialization Process of Transgender Men in Mashhad   Majid Fouladiyan<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a> Amirarad Gharavol <a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">**</a> Fatemeh Derakhshanfar<a href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3">***</a>   This research examines the resocialization process of transgender men in Mashhad. Resocialization refers to the process through which an individual, whose identity, role, or social status has fundamentally changed, attempts to redefine their societal position by adopting new values and norms. In other words, individuals seek social adaptation to align with existing culture and gain recognition. However, transgender individuals often face challenges in adapting to primary groups such as family, school, and other social sectors. They reconstruct their emotional systems, roles, and social identities and alter their physical appearance to align with their established identity. This concept is particularly significant in the context of transgender men, whose gender identity does not align with their biological characteristics. Due to social, cultural, and institutional resistance, transgender men often face a challenging path toward self-acceptance and reintegration into society. This research aims to analyze the stages and challenges of this process and identify the factors influencing it. The focus on Mashhad provides a unique context for examining this issue, given its specific cultural and religious environment.   Keywords: Transgender, gender identity, primary socialization, resocialization, re-socialization.   Research Methodology This research was conducted using a qualitative approach and thematic analysis. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews conducted between April and August 2024. The participants included 14 transgender men, aged 22 to 30, who had undergone gender reassignment surgery and resided in Mashhad. Participants were selected using purposive and snowball sampling methods. Inclusion criteria included being a transgender man, having undergone gender reassignment surgery, living in Khorasan Razavi, and willingness to participate in the study. The interviews were semi-structured, with durations ranging from three to seven hours. Questions began generally and were refined based on the responses of interviewees. The collected data were coded and categorized into main and sub-themes.   Research Findings The research findings highlight several factors influencing the resocialization process of transgender men in Mashhad. Key factors include age, place of residence, education level, family interaction, access to virtual spaces, and pre-transition emotional and sexual relationships. These factors can either accelerate or delay the resocialization process. Transgender men face challenges such as family and societal rejection, social ostracism, and discriminatory encounters, which may lead to feelings of isolation and insecurity. The resocialization process can be outlined in the following stages:   <ol> <li>Primary Socialization (Feminine Socialization): This is the process by which children learn gender norms, values, and roles that are consistent with their biological sex through family and educational institutions.</li> <li>Recognition of Gender Role Distinctions: During this stage, transgender individuals become aware of the differences between socially expected roles based on biological sex and their true gender identity. This process often begins in childhood or adolescence and is commonly associated with dissatisfaction with imposed social roles and identity conflict.</li> <li>Emotional/Sexual Turmoil: This turmoil usually begins in late childhood or early adolescence when individuals begin to understand their emotional and sexual identities.</li> <li>Recognition of True Identity: This stage involves recognizing one’s true identity, which is influenced by social, cultural, and informational factors.</li> <li>Escape from Primary Socialization: After recognizing their true identity, transgender individuals resist the gender norms learned during primary socialization.</li> <li>Struggle/Rejection/Acknowledgment: In resocialization, lack of acceptance from family and close friends often manifests as social rejection.</li> <li>Male Identity Formation: In this phase, transgender men strive to complete their male identity formation by making changes such as shortening their hair, adopting a nickname, adopting male clothing styles, engaging in non-feminine behaviors, smoking, and physically simulating masculinity.</li> <li>Acceptance from Significant Others (Family/Friends/Work Environment): Acceptance from family members, friends, and work environments is considered a crucial stage in the resocialization process for transgender individuals.</li> </ol>   Discussion and Conclusion The findings indicate that once a transgender individual becomes aware of their true gender identity, several factors influence the formation and completion of that identity. These factors include constructive interactions with family members before gender transition, the quantity and quality of emotional and sexual relationships, and acceptance or rejection by significant others. Among these, emotional-sexual relationships emerged as the most critical factor. When a transgender person can affirm their belonging to another gender through emotional or sexual attraction to the opposite sex, others must also accept and validate this significant shift. To achieve this, transgender individuals actively take on prominent roles in social contexts. This study identified eight stages in the resocialization process of transgender individuals, each aligning with previous theories and research. In childhood, transgender individuals are socialized according to their biological sex, aligning with Destranj's (2013) findings on the influence of family economic and cultural factors and the theories of Reisman and de Beauvoir on the role of social institutions in shaping gender identity. As they recognize the differences between gender roles, dissatisfaction arises with roles aligned with their biological sex, which correlates with the findings of Abedini and Sepehrnia (2015) regarding the impact of socialization styles on the perception of gender identity. Consequently, individuals experience turmoil in relationships and identity due to the mismatch between their identity and biological sex. These findings align with research by Farahmand and Danafar (2017), Yaghoubi Choubari and Saeedi (2020), and Khalili et al. (2022), which examined the turmoil caused by negative judgments and stereotypes, as well as Herbert Mead’s theory on identity conflict. Subsequently, through media and friends, they understand the concept of being transgender and achieve relative identity stability. They then distance themselves from the norms associated with their biological sex and resist primary socialization, a stage that relates to Goffman’s theory on managing social impressions and role performance. During this process, transgender individuals experience rejection or acceptance from significant others. The findings in this area align with studies by Movahhed and Hosseinzadeh (2012), Alirezanajad et al. (2016), and Valadbeigi et al. (2022), which address social rejection and its consequences, as well as Goffman’s theory of identity vulnerability in social interactions. To reinforce their new identity, transgender individuals undertake actions such as cutting their hair, using nicknames, and altering their style, which aligns with Garfinkel's theory on gender construction and performativity, as well as Kate Millett's theory on patriarchal ideology. Finally, acceptance by significant others, such as romantic partners, plays a crucial role in completing the resocialization process. This stage aligns with the research of Fouladian and Baradaran (2018), which confirms the role of romantic relationships in the development of transgender identity. In conclusion, this research demonstrates that the resocialization process of transgender individuals involves numerous challenges, with social acceptance by significant others playing a key role in stabilizing their new identity.   References Abedini, S., & Sepehri-Nia, H. (2015) Examining the relationship between socio-cultural and family dimensions with perception of gender identity before and after surgery in individuals with gender identity disorder (Case study: Ardabil Province). Sociology Studies Journal, 8(29), 21-38. Alireza-Najad, S., et al. (2016) Body limbo, conflict in gender and sexual identity: A study of social adaptation of gender dissatisfied individuals. Social Science Quarterly, 25(72), 149-191. Dastaranj, M. (2013) Examining the relationship between family characteristics and socialization of children. Women and Family Studies Journal, 6(22), 79-98. Farahmand, M., & Dananfar, F. (2017) Analyzing individual and social problems of transsexuals. Journal of Social Studies and Research in Iran, 6(4), 735-765. Fouladian, M., & Baradaran Kashani, Z. (2018) Qualitative study of the dimensions of gender identity crisis based on grounded theory approach. Social Work Research Journal, 5(15), 1-40. Johnson, K. (2007) Changing sex, changing self: Theorizing transitions in embodied subjectivity, Journal of Men and Masculinities, 10(1), 54-70. Khalili, M., Vaziri, S., & Lotfi Kashani, F. (2022) Investigating lived experience and identity development in transgender people: A qualitative study. Nursing and Midwifery Journal, 20(1), 31-42. Movahed, M., & Hoseinzadeh Kasmany, M. (2012) The relationship between gender identity disorder and quality of life. Scientific-Research Quarterly, 12(44), 111-142. Rahimi Ahmadabadi, S., et al. (2021) The role of family function in predicting gender dissatisfaction in transgender men and women. Journal of Psychology and Psychiatry Cognition, 8(1), 38-47. Valadbeigi, E., Zamani, M., Nahalgar, P., & Safari, S. (2022) Analyzing the psycho-social processes of transgender students in University of Tehran. Refah Journal, 22(85), 301-337. Yaghoubi Choubari, A., & Saedi, M. (2020) Phenomenological understanding of the lived experiences of transgender individuals in Mashhad City (A qualitative study). Contemporary Sociological Research Biannual, 9(17), 1-26.     <a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Corresponding Author: Associate Professor of Department of Social Sciences, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran.            <a href="mailto:fouladian@um.ac.ir">fouladian@um.ac.ir</a> <a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">*</a>* M.A Student in Social Science Research, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran. <a href="mailto:Amiraradgharavol@gmail.com">Amiraradgharavol@gmail.com</a> <a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3">***</a> M.A. student in Social Science Research, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Iran. <a href="mailto:derakhshanfarfatemeh@yahoo.com">derakhshanfarfatemeh@yahoo.com</a>افراد تراجنسی ابتدا مطابق با هنجارهای جنس بیولوژیک&zwnj; خود، جامعه&zwnj;پذیر می&zwnj;شوند و پس از اینکه درمی&zwnj;یابند که جنس و هویت جنسیتی آنها با هم متفاوت است، سعی می&zwnj;کنند تا هنجارهای مطابق با هویت جنسیتی&zwnj;شان و متضاد با جنس خود را یاد بگیرند؛ اینگونه وارد فرایند جامعه&zwnj;پذیری مجدد می&zwnj;شوند. پژوهش حاضر با هدف بررسی فرایند بازاجتماعی &zwnj;شدن افراد تراجنسی به روش کیفی، با نمونه&zwnj;گیری هدفمند و با استفاده از رویکرد تحلیل مضمون انجام شد. داده&zwnj;های این تحقیق در بازۀ فروردین تا مرداد سال 1403، از طریق مصاحبه نیمه&zwnj;ساختار یافته با چهارده شرکت&zwnj;کننده جمع&zwnj;آوری شد. یافته&zwnj;های تحقیق نشان داد که افراد تراجنسی برخلاف سایر افراد که جامعه&zwnj;پذیری&zwnj;شان با گروه&zwnj;های اولیه آغاز و تکمیل می&zwnj;شود، پس از آگاهی از خود واقعی&zwnj;شان سعی می&zwnj;کنند تا هنجارهای جدید را یاد بگیرند و آنها را تکمیل کنند. در جامعه&zwnj;پذیری مجدد مردان تراجنسی، متغیرهای زیادی نقش دارد که هر کدام بسته به وضعیت شخصیتی، محیطی و اجتماعی افراد، اثرگذاری متفاوت دارد. بر اساس روایت چهارده مصاحبه&zwnj;شونده، از زمانی که فرد وارد چرخۀ شناخت خویشتن و جامعه&zwnj;پذیری مجدد می&zwnj;شود و در نهایت به مرحلۀ پذیرش کامل می&zwnj;رسد، مراحلی را طی می&zwnj;کند که عبارتند از: جامعه&zwnj;پذیری اولیه، شناخت تمایز نقش&zwnj;های جنسیتی، آشفتگی (عاطفی/ جنسی)، شناخت هویت واقعی، گریز از جامعه&zwnj;پذیری&zwnj; اولیه، جدال/ طرد/ پذیرش، هویت&zwnj;سازی مردانه، پذیرش دیگری مهم و بازاجتماعی مجدد. در این پژوهش، رابطه&zwnj;های عاطفی و جنسی به &zwnj;عنوان تأثیرگذارترین متغیر محیطی و اجتماعی شناسایی شد. بنابراین فرد ترنس مطابق با روابط عاطفی و جنسیای که در زندگی خود تجربه میکند، از هشت مرحلۀ یادشده عبور میکند تا فرایند بازاجتماعی وی طی شود.

http://risi.ihss.ac.ir/ar/Article/Download/47866

مرکز منطقه ای اطلاع رسانی علوم و فناوریپژوهش انحرافات و مسائل اجتماعی3060-821X3102025226Analysis of the Social Harms Faced by Female Prisoners in Gorgan After Their Releaseواکاوی آسیب‌های اجتماعی پیش روی زنان زندانی شهرستان گرگان پس از آزادی6391fa لیلا نصرالهی وسطیاستادیار گروه علوم اجتماعی- جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، علوم انسانی و اجتماعی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران مصطفی اصغری شیخیکارشناسی¬ارشد جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، علوم انسانی و اجتماعی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران 2024617Analysis of the Social Harms Faced by Female Prisoners in Gorgan After Their Release   Leila Nasrolahi Vosta<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a> Mostafa Asghari Sheikhi <a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">**</a>   The present study aims to explore the lived experiences of women prisoners in Gorgan city, particularly focusing on the post-prison reconstruction process and the role of social support. This qualitative study utilized a phenomenological approach, with data collected through semi-structured interviews. The target population consisted of released women prisoners from Gorgan, with fifteen in-depth interviews conducted. Participants were selected using a purposive sampling method to achieve theoretical saturation. The findings were validated using the criteria set by Lincoln and Guba. The results demonstrated that the process of post-prison reconstruction cannot be understood without considering the context of an individual’s past experiences. Post-prison reconstruction emerged as a complex and multidimensional process, requiring women with incarceration histories to rebuild their personal, family, social, and economic lives. Additionally, the lived experience of prison life contributed both positive and negative outcomes, significantly influencing their successful reintegration or failure in the reconstruction process.   Keywords: Women prisoners, social supports, life reconstruction post-prison, lived experience, phenomenology   Introduction The experience of incarceration and the subsequent reintegration into society presents both positive and negative outcomes for women. The process of rebuilding life after imprisonment is complex and multifaceted, requiring a reconstruction of personal, family, social, and economic aspects of life (Fowler et al., 2018). Research indicates that female prisoners are less likely than males to commit serious crimes due to certain inherent traits, such as a calmer disposition (Artz & Rotmann, 2015). In Iran, women represent 3.1% of the total prison population, and the number of female prisoners increased by 4.2% from 2012 to 2022 (Mousavi-Tabar & Mousavi-Tabar, 2022). Despite their relatively smaller presence in the penal system, women face greater vulnerability due to societal conditions and gender-specific challenges, which amplify the significance of exploring their post-prison experiences (Bartels et al., 2020). The post-prison challenges faced by women prisoners have been widely documented in the literature. Issues such as family rejection, stigma, and uncertain futures after release often hinder their successful reintegration (Aiello & McQueeney, 2016; Stone et al., 2017). This study focuses on the social harms experienced by female prisoners after their release, specifically in Gorgan, and aims to address four key research questions: <ol> <li>What life challenges do women face after their release from prison?</li> <li>How do female prisoners experience social support after release?</li> <li>What are the experiences of female prisoners regarding the reconstruction of their lives post-prison?</li> <li>How do female prisoners manage the challenges they encounter post-incarceration?</li> </ol>   Methodology In addressing these questions, the study employed a qualitative approach with a phenomenological strategy. This paradigm allows for a deep exploration of individuals' lived experiences and provides insight into the subjective reality of the participants (Jefferson & Jeffries, 2022). The research followed an inductive, interpretative approach, focusing on female prisoners released in Gorgan city. A purposive sampling method was utilized to select participants, ensuring they had at least one previous experience of incarceration. The study sample was drawn from women released between 2021 and 2024 who had sought services from the post-release care center in Golestan province. The data was analyzed using phenomenological analysis based on the Clarie approach.   Findings The women interviewed had an average age of forty years, with over sixty percent having spent between two and four years in prison. Forty percent of the women were incarcerated for drug-related offenses. Other crimes included illicit relationships, financial crimes such as issuing bad checks, fraud, and theft, while a small percentage had committed violent offenses like assisting in murder (Walmsley, 2016). The findings of the study demonstrate that life in prison is marked by both positive and negative consequences that significantly impact the reintegration process. Negative consequences include loss of reputation, social exclusion, increased criminal behavior, economic hardship, and family breakdown (Aiello & McQueeney, 2016). Many of the women described their prison experiences as catalyzing a reevaluation of their relationships, particularly with their partners, who were often seen as contributors to their criminal behaviors (Fowler et al., 2018). As such, some women reported a decision to sever ties with their spouses upon release, particularly when their spouses had been involved in criminal activities or abusive behaviors that contributed to the women's imprisonment (Bartels & Easteal, 2016). The post-prison reconstruction process is fraught with numerous challenges. Family rejection, lack of social capital, and feelings of shame and isolation are commonly reported by women in this study, mirroring the findings of Sadeghi-Fasai and Mir-Hosseini (2017), who highlight the difficulty of reconnecting with family and social networks. These feelings of alienation are further exacerbated by the stigma of criminal history, which hinders their ability to rebuild relationships and secure stable livelihoods (Goodarzi, 2021). Economic hardship is another major obstacle. Many of the women face difficulties in finding employment due to their criminal records, lack of social support, and limited access to safe job opportunities. This situation heightens their vulnerability to reoffending and perpetuates social instability (Jefferson & Jeffries, 2022). For women who serve as heads of households, securing income is crucial, and its absence can lead to a cascade of social and economic vulnerabilities (Farhoudi et al., 2023). Furthermore, the process of reintegration into society is also influenced by the women’s ability to manage their criminal past. Goffman (1963) refers to this as "covering the name," a strategy where women attempt to obscure their criminal history in order to prevent further stigmatization. The successful management of this process plays a critical role in facilitating their reintegration. However, many women, particularly those who are mothers, express a strong desire to reintegrate for the sake of their children, which can serve as a motivating factor to avoid reoffending (Miller et al., 2014). In the context of Gorgan, the women interviewed experienced significant social and economic hardships after release, including isolation and the challenge of rebuilding trust within family and society. The experience of motherhood provided a source of strength for some women, as they sought to protect their children from the cycle of incarceration and crime (Sadeghi-Fasai & Mir-Hosseini, 2014). Their access to social capital—particularly through family connections, social networks, and support from post-prison care programs—was crucial in aiding their successful reintegration (Leech et al., 2024). Finally, the need for social services that can address the unique needs of female prisoners is essential. Services should focus not only on economic support but also on counseling, rehabilitation, and social support, which are crucial for rebuilding their lives. These services can provide a critical pathway for women to reestablish themselves in society and reduce the likelihood of recidivism.   Discussion and Conclusion The experiences of female prisoners in Gorgan following their release reveal that the challenges they face are multifaceted and complex. Issues such as stigma, economic hardship, and family rejection significantly hinder their reintegration into society. However, factors such as social support, particularly from family and post-prison care programs, play a crucial role in their ability to rebuild their lives. Addressing these challenges through comprehensive social policies and services can aid in the successful reintegration of female prisoners and help reduce the risk of recidivism. Future research should focus on further exploring the role of social capital and institutional support in the rehabilitation of incarcerated women, as well as the impact of motherhood and family dynamics on their post-prison lives.   References Aiello, B., and McQueeney, K. (2016) “How can you live without your kids?” Distancing from and embracing the stigma of “incarcerated mother”. Journal of Prison Education and Reentry, 3 (1): 32–49 Artz, L., and Rotmann, B. (2015) Taking ‘a count’ of women in prison. Agenda, 29: 3–13. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) (2020) The health and welfare of women in Australia’s prisons. Cat. No. PHE 281. Bartels L, Easteal P, and Westgate R. (2020) Understanding women’s imprisonment in Australia. 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Retrieved from <a href="https://www.prisonstudies.org/sites/default/files/resources/downloads/world_female_prison_4th_edn_v4_web.pdf">https://www.prisonstudies.org/sites/default/files/resources/downloads/world_female_prison_4th_edn_v4_web.pdf</a>.       <a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Corresponding Author: Assistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences-Sociology, Faculty of Literature, Humanities and Social Sciences, Science and Research Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.leila.nasrolahi@srbiau.ac.ir <a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">**</a> M.A in sociology, Faculty of Literature, Humanities and Social Sciences, Science and Research Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran. mostafa.asghari.sheykhi@gmail.comهدف پژوهش حاضر، واکاوی تجارب زیستۀ زنان زندانی شهرستان گرگان از حمایتهای اجتماعی و بازسازی زندگی پس از زندان است. این پژوهش از نوع کیفی و با استراتژی پدیدارشناسی انجام شد. ابزار گردآوری داده&zwnj;ها، مصاحبه&zwnj; نیمه&zwnj;ساختارمند و جامعه هدف، پانزده نفر از زنان زندانی آزادشده در شهرستان گرگان است که به&zwnj;طور قضاوتی هدفمند و تاحد اشباع نظری انتخاب شدند. اعتباریابی نتایج با معیارهای لینکلن و گوبا انجام شد. نتایج نشان داد که فرایند بازسازی زندگی پس از زندان، بدون درک و فهم پیش&zwnj;زمینه&zwnj;ها و شرایط زمینه&zwnj;ای که در گذشته و تجربه زندگی افراد دخیل است، قابل بررسی نیست. یافته&zwnj;ها نشان داد که بازسازی زندگی پس از زندان، فرایندی پیچیده و چندبُعدی است و زنان سابقه&zwnj;دار برای تکمیل آن نیازمند بازسازی فردی، خانوادگی، اجتماعی و اقتصادی زندگی&zwnj;شان از جنبه&zwnj;های عینی و ذهنی هستند. تجربه&zwnj; زندگی در زندان، تبعات و پیامدهای مثبت و منفی متعددی نیز دارد که در بازگشت موفقیت&zwnj;آمیز زنان به جامعه یا شکست آنان در فرایند بازسازی مؤثر است.

http://risi.ihss.ac.ir/ar/Article/Download/47071

مرکز منطقه ای اطلاع رسانی علوم و فناوریپژوهش انحرافات و مسائل اجتماعی3060-821X3102025226Sociological Study of the Relationship between The Feeling of Relative Deprivation and Delinquency among Adolescents in Quds Cityمطالعۀ جامعه‌شناختی رابطۀ احساس محروميت نسبي و بزهكاري در بین نوجوانان شهر قدس93118faموسیسعادتیاستادیار گروه جامعه‌شناسی، دانشکده علوم اجتماعی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام خمینی، قزوین، ایران00000001795077412024913Sociological Study of the Relationship between The Feeling of Relative Deprivation and Delinquency among Adolescents in Quds City   Mousa Saadati<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a>                                                 One of the social problems that have many consequences for the individual and the family is the problem of delinquency among teenagers. At the macro level, juvenile delinquency, in addition to imposing huge economic and social costs, hinders the development and dynamism of any society. In this regard, this research has been carried out to sociologically investigate the relationship between the feeling of relative deprivation and delinquency among the teenagers of Quds city. The research method is survey. The statistical population includes all adolescents under 18 years of age in Quds city, numbering 19,190 people, of which 377 people were selected through Cochran's statistical formula as the sample size and stratified random sampling based on the size. A researcher-made questionnaire was used to collect information. Cronbach's alpha technique was used to measure the reliability of the measuring instrument, and the results of the mentioned coefficient were above 0.7 for all variables. Also, SPSS software was used to analyze the resulting data. The theoretical framework of the research is based on the opinions of social thinkers such as Robert Merton, Albert Cohen and Robert Garr. The results of the Pearson correlation test indicate that the correlation between all the components of the feeling of relative deprivation, including the feeling of social deprivation, the feeling of economic deprivation, the feeling of cultural deprivation and the feeling of medical deprivation, with juvenile delinquency was significant and the type of relationship was positive and direct. The results of the regression analysis also showed that the variables of feeling of economic deprivation, feeling of cultural deprivation, feeling of social deprivation and feeling of medical deprivation respectively had the greatest impact on the variable of delinquency. Also, the mentioned variables have explained and predicted 36% of the dependent variable changes.   Keywords: Relative Deprivation, Social Comparison, Poverty, Delinquency, Juvenile.   Introduction One of the social problems that has many consequences for the individual and the family is the issue of juvenile delinquency. On a macro level, juvenile delinquency, in addition to imposing high economic and social costs, is an obstacle to the development and dynamism of any society. One of the most important factors in adolescents' tendency towards criminal behavior is the issue of poverty, financial pressure, and relative deprivation. Humans, as demanding actors, have an insatiable nature in achieving their desires and wishes, so that once they achieve a desire, they do not stop and take steps towards meeting newer needs and desires. Now, if these needs are not met or are delayed, this feeling will form in adolescents that they have been deprived of what they deserve. On the other hand, Iran is currently in the transition from tradition to modernity, and this event is causing a gap between tradition and modernity and placing them in a state of anomie and social turmoil. Anomic conditions cause disappointment in meeting needs, and the more unbalanced and inappropriate the level of economic, social, and cultural capital that individuals in society have, the deeper this gap becomes. In these circumstances, people with less capital compare their lives with the reference group in which they live, and if they perceive their situation unfairly in this comparison, they experience relative deprivation and the result of this deprivation will be criminal behavior among this group. Considering the aforementioned explanations, the present study aimed to sociologically investigate the relationship between feelings of relative deprivation and delinquency among adolescents in the city of Quds.   Methods The quantitative method employed in this study, based on the research objectives, and utilizes a survey approach for data collection. Additionally, it is considered a cross-sectional study in terms of its time frame. The statistical population in this study consists of all adolescents under the age of eighteen in Quds city, Tehran Province, totaling 19,190 individuals (Population and Housing Census, 2016). The sampling method used is stratified random sampling, meaning that after estimating the total sample size, a specific sample for each urban area of Quds was calculated in proportion to its population. The sample size was determined to be 377 individuals using Cochran’s formula. The data collection Tool was a researcher-designed questionnaire, and SPSS software was used for data analysis.   Findings Based on the results obtained, the average feeling of social deprivation was 18.85, with a standard deviation of 11.14. The average feeling of cultural deprivation was reported as 14.13. The average feeling of economic deprivation was 13.58, with a standard deviation of 24, a minimum value of 6 and a maximum of 19.81. The average feeling of medical deprivation was reported as 12.45. The average relative deprivation felt by the respondents was 68.73, with a standard deviation of 92.28, a maximum value of 84, and a minimum value of 21, with a range of 63. The average score for the vandalism variable was 12.63, with a standard deviation of 62.9. The average score for the theft variable was 13.15. The average score for cybercrime was estimated at 12.83, and the average score for violence was 17.69. The average score for addictive substance use was 13.57. The overall average score for delinquency, with a standard deviation of 32.48, a maximum of 96, and a minimum of 24, was 54.69. According to these results, the levels of vandalism, violence, and drug use were above average. Additionally, the level of delinquency in the studied sample was found to be average. The results of the correlation test revealed a statistically significant linear relationship between all components of relative deprivation, including social deprivation, economic deprivation, cultural deprivation, and medical deprivation, with a significance level of less than 0.01 and 0.05, at 99% and 95% confidence, respectively. This relationship was positive and direct, indicating that as the feeling of relative deprivation and its components increased among adolescents, the rate of delinquency also rose. Conversely, a decrease in the feeling of relative deprivation among the sample resulted in a decrease in delinquency. The results of regression analysis also demonstrated that the variables of economic deprivation, cultural deprivation, social deprivation, and medical deprivation had the greatest impact on the delinquency variable, respectively. Furthermore, these variables explained and predicted 36% of the changes in the dependent variable.   Discussion and Conclusion The present study was conducted to sociologically examine the relationship between feelings of relative deprivation and delinquency among adolescents in the city of Quds. According to the theory of subcultural explanations, the failures of lower classes in society create a delinquency subculture, where individuals, unable to achieve their goals and desires, tend to engage in criminal activities. People who experience a sense of relative deprivation and perceive legitimate avenues to achieve their goals as closed or futile, form a delinquency subculture and attempt to fulfill their desires through it. The labeling theory suggests that no act is inherently criminal or deviant, nor is any person born a delinquent; rather, the definition of delinquency is constructed by powerful societal institutions. Through these labels and societal definitions imposed on delinquent individuals, deviant behaviors become institutionalized and continue. Gabriel Tarde, based on the theory of imitation, posits that humans are not inherently delinquent but rather imitate the behavior of others. In disadvantaged neighborhoods, delinquent behavior becomes a model, and individuals learn deviance by mimicking others. Albert Cohen similarly suggests that when lower classes fail to achieve their goals, they turn to delinquency in the form of gangs and delinquent groups. Theories related to the feeling of pressure further state that lower-class youth, while desiring legitimate goals, may resort to delinquency as a response to their frustration and anger from not achieving these goals. Robert Merton associates the feeling of pressure with deviance, arguing that crime and delinquency result from disparities in individuals' positions within the social, economic, and cultural structures of society. When there is a gap between societal goals and the means to achieve them, individuals may resort to deviant behavior. Merton believes that the source of deviance lies in the discrepancy between socially acceptable goals and means and that during times of pressure, not all individuals behave similarly; some may turn to delinquent behaviors as a response to the societal pressures imposed by the economic, social, and cultural structure. According to scholars in the field of relative deprivation, the perception of social injustice, income inequality, and the subsequent comparison of one's living conditions to those of wealthier individuals creates a sense of deprivation. This feeling of deprivation breeds dissatisfaction and a sense of injustice, ultimately leading to delinquency among adolescents. Stouffer argues that relative deprivation is a feeling of dissatisfaction that arises from comparing one’s status and position to reference groups. When individuals perceive themselves as lacking the status or position they deserve in comparison to these groups, they experience relative deprivation. Townsend (2009) emphasizes the importance of individuals' daily routines and leisure activities. He argues that if there is a disconnection between how people engage in these activities—such as visiting entertainment venues or restaurants—and their habits, relative deprivation will be experienced. Davis limits relative deprivation to comparisons within a group, asserting that prosperity increases the expectations of individuals, and when prosperity diminishes, a significant gap forms between desires and achievements, leading to frustration, despair, and deviation. Robert Garr defines relative deprivation as a subjective perception of the difference between value expectations and value capabilities. Value expectations refer to the goods and conditions individuals believe they are entitled to, while value capabilities represent the perceived possibilities of achieving those expectations. The greater the gap between desires and possessions, the greater the sense of relative deprivation, leading to dissatisfaction and, consequently, deviant and criminal behaviors. In line with the theoretical discussions presented, the feeling of relative deprivation in the city of Quds may contribute to various forms of crime and delinquency due to its specific location, proximity to the metropolis and capital, and the rapid development and social upheaval resulting from the migration of individuals from various cultural backgrounds seeking employment. Studies by Safaei and Alavi (2010), Kord-Alivand and Mobaraki (2018), Eskandari-Cherati (2017), Amini and Ezzati (2017), Abbasi and Saadati (2016), Lohsaizadeh (2012), Keshavarz et al. 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M., Khademian, T., Mottaghi, A., Shirzad, E. (2019) “Sociological explanation of the effect of economic and social deprivation (relative deprivation) on the tendency towards political violence of Tehrani citizens”, Journal of Social Security Studies, 11(63), 51-77. Villa, E., Salazar, A. (2013) Poverty traps, economic inequality and incentives for delinquency. Cuadernos de Economía, 32 (61), 753- 786. Vogel, M., Evelien, M., Hoeben, B., Wim, B. (2021) Nearby Neighborhood Influences on Adolescent Offending. British Journal Criminology, 61(1), 228-250. Zare Shahabadi, A., Belgorian, M. (2014) “Investigating the relationship between social exclusion and delinquency among female students of Yazd University”, Journal of Iranian Social Issues, (2), 265-286.       <a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin, Iran. m.saadati@soc.ikiu.ac.irیکی از معضلات اجتماعی که پیامدهای زیادی را برای فرد و خانواده به همراه دارد، مسئله بزهکاری در میان نوجوانان است. در سطح کلان نیز بزهکاری نوجوانان علاوه بر تحمیل هزینه&zwnj;های گزاف اقتصادی و اجتماعی، مانع توسعه و پویایی هر جامعه&zwnj;ای است. در این راستا، این تحقیق با هدف بررسی جامعه&zwnj;شناختی رابطه احساس محرومیت نسبی و بزهکاری در بین نوجوانان شهر قدس انجام پذیرفته است. روش تحقیق پژوهش از نوع پیماشی است. جامعه آماری شامل کلیه نوجوانان زیر هجده سال شهر قدس به تعداد 19190 نفر است که از این تعداد، 377 نفر از طریق فرمول آماری کوکران به عنوان حجم نمونه و به شیوه نمونه&zwnj;گیری تصادفی طبقه&zwnj;ای متناسب با حجم انتخاب شدند. برای گردآوری اطلاعات از پرسشنامه محقق&zwnj;ساخته استفاده شده است. برای سنجش پایایی ابزار از آزمون آلفای کرونباخ استفاده شد که نتایج برای تمامی متغیرهای بالای 7/0 بوده است. همچنین برای تجزیه و تحلیل داده&zwnj;ها از نرمفزار SPSS استفاده شده است. چارچوب نظری پژوهش مبتنی بر آرای متفکران اجتماعی چون «رابرت مرتون»، «آلبرت کوهن» و «رابرت گار» است. نتایج حاصل از آزمون همبستگی پیرسون بیانگر آن است که همبستگی بین تمامی مؤلفه&zwnj;های احساس محرومیت نسبی شامل احساس محرومیت اجتماعی، احساس محرومیت اقتصادی، احساس محرومیت فرهنگی و احساس محرومیت پزشکی، با بزهکاری نوجوانان معنادار بوده است و نوع رابطه نیز مثبت و مستقیم است. نتایج تحلیل رگرسیونی نیز نشان داد که متغيرهاي احساس محرومیت اقتصادی، احساس محرومیت فرهنگی، احساس محرومیت اجتماعی و احساس محرومیت پزشکی به ترتیب بیشترین تأثیر را بر متغیر بزهکاری داشتهاند. همچنین متغیرهای یادشده، 36 درصد از تغییرات متغیر وابسته را تبیین و پیشبینی نمودهاند.

http://risi.ihss.ac.ir/ar/Article/Download/47977

مرکز منطقه ای اطلاع رسانی علوم و فناوریپژوهش انحرافات و مسائل اجتماعی3060-821X3102025226Assessment of Environmental Instablities and Social Harms in Passenger Terminalsارزیابی ناپایداری‌‌های محیطی و آسیب‌های اجتماعی در پایانه ‌های مسافربری شهر تهران119150faمحمدعلیفاطمی نیااستادیار گروه جامعه‌شناسی، وزارت علوم، تحقیقات و فناوری، تهران، ایران202344Assessment of Environmental Instablities and Social Harms in Passenger Terminals   Mohammad Ali Fateminia<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a>   Urban terminals are among the public spaces characterized by high population density and diverse land uses. The four terminals of Tehran (West, East, South, and Beyhaghi) facilitate the movement of millions of passengers annually. Their unique geographical locations, combined with the sociocultural elements that have emerged around them, have contributed to increased environmental instability and the perpetuation of social damage. This study aims to provide a multifactor evaluation of the four terminals through a survey. The study population comprises passengers, drivers, and residents of neighborhoods adjacent to the terminals. A total of 594 questionnaires were collected from passengers, 144 from drivers, and 560 from neighboring residents, proportionally distributed across the four terminals. The findings indicate that the Beyhaghi terminal, with a mean score of 8.03, exhibits the lowest level of perceived social Problems, whereas the East, West, and South terminals show mean scores of 21.12, 19.8, and 13.49, respectively, reflecting higher levels of perceived social Problems.   Keywords: Passenger terminals, public spaces, environmental instability, social damages, urban management.   Introduction Security is one of the fundamental phenomena essential to both individuals and society; its absence or disruption leads to alarming and dangerous consequences, as the erosion of security results in the loss of human peace of mind—replaced by confusion, anxiety, and unrest (Sattarzadeh et al., 2016: 108). Ensuring and safeguarding security is paramount to sustaining safety across economic, social, cultural, political, military, and geographical dimensions (Kamran, 2010; Noidenia, 2003; Mohseni, 2007). In summary, social security can be defined as the sense of safety experienced within one’s environment and social life. One of the most influential factors affecting social security is the presence of social damages, which are not only determinants of insecurity but also the product of an absence of security and social instability. Tehran, as the largest metropolis and the capital of Iran, generates a unique social life that accentuates the importance of social security. In this megacity, a vast array of public spaces and social environments exists, and ensuring their security places a significant responsibility on urban management. Among these important social spaces are the city’s passenger terminals. Intercity passenger terminals serve as hubs for various stakeholders—including passengers, drivers, families, service sectors, cooperatives, police, specific groups, and residents. The high volume of interactions within these terminals and their surrounding neighborhoods—characterized by vulnerable physical spaces—has led to the emergence of a distinctive social condition that, under current circumstances, may be deemed unstable. The presence of police stations, representatives of aid committees, welfare organizations, and other institutions in terminal vicinities further underscores this condition (Terminal Organization, 2014). According to the most recent statistics provided by the Terminal and Park-and-Ride Organization, approximately 33 million trips are undertaken annually via the four terminals (West, East, South, and Beyhaghi) (Terminal and Park-and-Ride Organization, 2014). These statistics underscore the significant role of terminals in the urban sustainability of Tehran. Field observations depict the terminals as spaces marked by congestion, social damages, environmental pollution, conflicts of interest, structural malfunctions, and fragmented, unsatisfactory urban management. The prevailing environment at these terminals—including transient population density, the anonymity of individuals, the emergence of illegitimate employment in and around the terminals, and numerous other factors—creates conditions that foster the proliferation of social and cultural damages. The effects of these damages, both direct and indirect, are observable within the immediate realm of the terminals. Moreover, the cumulative impact of terminal-related damages contributes to an unfavorable image of the city on both national and international fronts, potentially undermining national social trust and capital. Ultimately, this dynamic leads to the escalating growth of social challenges and damages, along with the imposition of largely ineffective control costs on society (Fateminia & Khaksari, 2012). This research adopts a multifactorial approach by evaluating the four terminals from the perspective of the stakeholders involved (passengers, drivers, and residents of adjacent neighborhoods) to provide a realistic insight into the social issues and damages at these sites. The study posits that achieving social sustainability requires a comprehensive and holistic understanding—one that does not focus solely on isolated social issues but rather incorporates a diversified study population and examines the various factors and elements of the terminals. In sum, the research addresses the following questions: <ol> <li>What social issues and damages are present at the terminals and their adjacent neighborhoods?</li> <li>Which terminal exhibits a more favorable condition?</li> </ol> A review of previous studies indicates that few investigations have been conducted on urban terminals, and most have adopted a technical–engineering perspective with little attention paid to human factors—such as passengers, drivers, and local residents. The innovation of the present research lies in its focus on the human and social elements of the terminals.   Method The present study employs a quantitative method, involving the collection of data through questionnaires. The study population comprises passengers, drivers, and residents of neighborhoods adjacent to the terminals. A random sampling method was implemented as follows: a total of 594 questionnaires were collected from passengers, 560 from neighboring residents, and, out of 260 drivers, 144 completed questionnaires were obtained.   Findings The most critical pillar of social sustainability in urban spaces is security. In this context, several theoretical frameworks are relevant. Criminal Hotspots Theory—which addresses the accumulation of delinquency in specific urban areas; Broken Windows Theory—which emphasizes the physical deterioration of spatial elements and its impact on the increase in disorderly behaviors; and Defensible Space Theory—which focuses on four elements (territoriality, surveillance, boundary definition, and image), collectively illustrate the link between spatial characteristics and social issues, crimes, and deviant behaviors. From this perspective, urban terminals—due to their geographical locations (often situated on the periphery of the city), transient populations, vulnerable physical spaces, and high volumes of financial transactions—attract certain groups (such as drug addicts, child laborers, vendors of contraband goods, pimps, and thieves). This attraction creates conditions that foster numerous social damages. As indicated by the findings, the Beyhaghi terminal, as perceived by both passengers and drivers, exhibits more favorable conditions and the lowest level of perceived social issues and damages. Conversely, the East terminal is found to be in the least favorable condition. Furthermore, findings on the impact of terminals on their surrounding neighborhoods corroborate these results, indicating that among the four terminals, the Beyhaghi terminal exerts the least negative influence on the environment and adjacent communities. In the overall assessment of the terminals’ conditions, several key points emerge: The distribution of issues and damages is unequal across terminals, reflecting differences in the human, geographical, and managerial characteristics of each site. Variations in the perceived levels of social issues and damages underscore the role of spatial factors and their interaction with the inherent characteristics of human elements. The data show that the conditions of the terminals, as perceived by different study populations, mutually reinforce one another, thereby enhancing the validity of the findings—for example, the extent of local damages at the Beyhaghi terminal is considerably lower than at the other terminals. Thus, understanding the issues at the terminals requires a multifaceted and systemic perspective that considers each component as part of an integrated whole. The social and cultural dimensions of the terminals are products of both internal and external factors, each of which requires a synergistic approach for effective remediation. Comparative findings indicate a relationship between a terminal’s internal environment and its external surroundings. As noted in various sections of this study, resolving the issues and problems of the terminals necessitates simultaneous attention to all constituent elements. In order to overcome the challenges faced by the terminals, it is important to recognize that the negative social and cultural dimensions are products of the complex interplay of factors within the terminal environment. Addressing these issues is only feasible when the attractiveness and potential for damage within the terminal environment are uniformly and coherently reduced. In general, an increase in social instability corresponds with a rise in social issues and damages; the persistence of this relationship ultimately results in the reproduction of instability. Therefore, the most effective solution for reducing the social issues and damages present in urban passenger terminals—and for enhancing their social sustainability—is to address all elements and factors involved in the terminal environment through an integrated management approach. Physical, human, managerial, and institutional elements are the primary determinants in shaping the public space of these terminals. Considering the rapid advancement of internet technologies and location-based software, it is recommended that future studies explore the domain of decentralized terminals. In the not-so-distant future, the necessity of physically attending conventional terminals may diminish, as individuals could board buses and undertake intercity journeys with minimal intraurban travel and near their residences or workplaces.   References Fateminia, M. A., & Khaksari, A. (2012). Management of public spaces and social instabilities (Case study: Tehran passenger terminals). Quarterly Journal of Urban and Regional Development Planning, 7(23), 1–47. [In Persian]. Kamran, F. (2010). Investigation of socio‑economic factors affecting the sense of peace and social security of female master’s students in sociology at Shiraz universities. Social Research Quarterly, 3(6), 43–56. [In Persian]. Mohseni, R. A. (2007). The relationship between social security and crime and social damage. In Proceedings of the First Scientific‑Applied Conference on Promoting Social Security (Social Deputy of the Police Force of Golestan Province). [In Persian]. Noidenia, M. (2003). An introduction to social security. Strategic Studies Quarterly, 6(19), 55–78. [In Persian]. Sattarzadeh, D., et al. (2016). Investigation of social factors affecting women’s sense of social security (Case study of women in Ramsar city in 2016). Bi‑Quarterly Journal of Social Participation and Development, 2(3), 107–126. [In Persian]. Terminals and Park‑and‑Ride Organization. (2014). Service and passenger statistics [Internal Management Report]. [In Persian].     <a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Ministry of Science, Research and Technology, Tehran, Iran. <a href="mailto:fateminia.s@alumni.ut.ac.ir">fateminia.s@alumni.ut.ac.ir</a>پايانه&zwnj;هاي شهري، يکي از فضاهاي عمومي شهرها محسوب مي&zwnj;شود که روزانه بخش زیادی از شهروندان در آنجا تردد دارند. پايانه&zwnj;هاي چهارگانه (غرب، شرق، جنوب و بيهقي) شهر تهران، ميليو&zwnj;ن&zwnj;ها مسافر را در طول سال جابه&zwnj;جا مي&zwnj;کند. موقعيت خاص جغرافيايي پايانه&zwnj;ها از يکسو و عناصر اجتماعي و فرهنگي شکل&zwnj;گرفته حول آنها، موجب افزايش ناپايداري&zwnj;هاي محيطي و بازتوليد آسيب&zwnj;هاي اجتماعي شده است. اين پژوهش بر آن است تا با انجام يک پيمايش، ارزيابيای چندعاملي از پايانه&zwnj;هاي چهارگانه ارائه نمايد. جامعه آماري اين پژوهش، مسافران، رانندگان و ساکنان محلههای همجوار پايانه&zwnj;ها هستند. نمونه آماري در بخش مسافران 594 نفر، در بخش رانندگان 144 نفر و در بخش ساکنان محلههای همجوار 560 نفر است که به تناسب پايانه&zwnj;هاي چهارگانه توزيع شده است. يافته&zwnj;هاي اين تحقيق نشان مي&zwnj;دهد که پايانه بیهقی با ميانگين 8.03 داراي کمترين ميزان رؤیت آسيب&zwnj;هاي اجتماعي است و پايانه&zwnj;هاي شرق با ميانگين 21.12، غرب با ميانگين 19.8 و جنوب با ميانگين 13.49 به ترتيب داراي بيشترين ميزان رؤيت&zwnj;پذيري آسيب&zwnj;هاي اجتماعي بوده&zwnj;اند.

http://risi.ihss.ac.ir/ar/Article/Download/41769

مرکز منطقه ای اطلاع رسانی علوم و فناوریپژوهش انحرافات و مسائل اجتماعی3060-821X3102025226Analyzing the Impact of Social Networks on Tourism Branding in Iran واکاوی تأثیر شبکه‌های اجتماعی بر برندینگ گردشگری در ایران151182fa طیبه امیرمستوفیاندانشجوی دکتری، گروه علوم ارتباطات اجتماعی، واحد میبد، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، میبد، ایرانمحمد حسینایمانی خوشخواستاد گروه مدیریت گردشگری، دانشگاه علم و فرهنگ، تهران، ایرانهادیخانیکیاستاد گروه علوم ارتباطات اجتماعی، دانشکده علوم ارتباطات اجتماعی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7408-45082024928Analyzing the Impact of Social Networks on Tourism Branding in Iran   Tayyebeh Amirmostofian <a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">*</a> Mohammad Hossein Imani Khoshkhoo <a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">**</a> Hadi Khaniki <a href="#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3">***</a>   Tourism branding has become a key component of the tourism industry. When a country develops a brand in the tourism sector, it would see prosperity in its tourism industry owning to the institutionalization of the brand among tourists, which would in turn result in societal development in the economic and cultural domains among others. This research has sought to identify and analyze social media factors that would help promote tourism branding in Iran. This is development research using the descriptive survey method with a mixed (qualitative-quantitative) approach. In this study, the effective factors in the relation between social media and tourism branding in Iran were studied by using thematic analysis and interviewing experts specializing in the communications and tourism fields. Then, the interviews were classified in terms of content by factor analysis method. To confirm the classification and study the relation between the parameters, the confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation method were used. The main parameters in the relation between social networks and tourism branding include four layers: a reflection of the public sphere (tourism agencies) on social media; the impact of the destination’s internal and external factors on tourism branding; tourism marketing through social media; and tourism branding. The results of confirmatory factor analysis showed that the first three parameters, as independent variables, significantly impact the dependent variable of tourism branding.   Keywords: Social Networks, Tourism Branding, Tourism Marketing, Public Domain, And Structural Equation Modeling.   Extended abstract Introduction As social networks are growing rapidly, social media marketing is the most popular form of online marketing that can be used as a marketing tool for all industries. The tourism industry is no exception and is using social media because the industry has long relied on destination reputation, consumer opinion, information dissemination, and positive word-of-mouth advertising (Gohil, 2015). Social media plays an important role in tourists’ travel decisions (Hanan & Putit, 2014). The development of social media can help organizations and businesses promote their products, including tourism. Diverse social media makes it easier for tourists to make choices. The role of these networks in the tourism field is well-known, as this information industry is thought to be highly dependent on effective communication (Kim & Daniel, 2017). However, there is a theoretical gap between the existing knowledge about tourism promotional activities on social media and tourism branding. Considering the impact of social networks on Iranian tourism and its poor use in e-tourism marketing in Iran and the importance of brands in destination selection (Foruodi et al, 2016), this study aims to fill the theoretical gap by presenting a model to understand the impact of social networks on tourism branding in Iran. To achieve this goal, presenting a model of the impact of social networks on Iranian tourism branding and testing it among stakeholders and tourists (users) on social networks has been selected as a research strategy. Since Iran has attractive and diverse natural, historical and cultural beauties, demographic diversity and a suitable geographical location, this research addresses the issue of how social networks can affect tourism branding in Iran.   Model: Iranian tourism branding model based on social networks   Method In the qualitative section, after conducting interviews and expert opinions, reviewing theoretical literature and coding, twenty effective indicators in the relationship between social networks and tourism branding were identified based on the analysis of the interviews. In the next stage, to summarize and categorize the components identified in the previous stage and discover the hidden dimensions of the relationship between social networks and tourism branding, a questionnaire based on the components was designed and provided to tourists and tourism industry stakeholders. Its results were analyzed using exploratory factor analysis using SPSS software. Considering the theoretical studies conducted for this article and since the number of factors obtained from theoretical foundations and interviews is large, these twenty components were categorized into four main factors through exploratory factor analysis and extracting questionnaires from twenty main components and distributing them to a statistical sample of 385 people. <table width="464"> <tbody> <tr> <td width="315"> Sub-indices </td> <td width="149"> Component </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="315"> Customer perception, positioning, brand creation, competitive advantage </td> <td width="149"> Branding </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="315"> Electronic services, advertising, organizational factors, product innovation and quality, receiving feedback about the tourism product </td> <td width="149"> Social networks and tourism marketing </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="315"> Tourist loyalty, willingness, participation, attitude, trust, tourism product value, product attractiveness </td> <td width="149"> Social networks and tourist attractions (internal and external factors of the destination) </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="315"> Social responsibility, social network, content sharing, validation and criticism of tourism reviews </td> <td width="149"> Social networks and the public sphere </td> </tr> </tbody> </table>   To examine and test them, we use the structural equation method and confirmatory factor analysis. Based on the obtained factors and also the theoretical and empirical results of the research to answer the question of what relationship can be imagined between social networks and tourism branding, the following hypotheses can be evaluated and tested. First hypothesis: Marketing through social networks has a significant effect on tourism branding. Second hypothesis: Reflection of the public sphere (tourism enterprises) through social networks has a significant effect on tourism branding. Third hypothesis: The destination's Internal and external factors significantly affect tourism branding. To examine and test them, we used the structural equation method and confirmatory factor analysis.   Findings A sample of 385 managers, experts, tourism business owners, and tourists was selected to examine and test the research hypotheses. Data were collected through a structured questionnaire and subsequently analyzed using both descriptive and inferential statistical methods. Regarding the first hypothesis—that marketing through social media significantly influences tourism branding—the structural model reveals a standardized path coefficient of 0.62, with a corresponding t-value of 10.46. Given that this t-value exceeds the critical threshold of 1.96 at the 5% significance level, the null hypothesis is rejected with 95% confidence. This result indicates that advertising and marketing via social media have a statistically significant impact on tourism branding. Concerning the second hypothesis—that the reflection of the public sphere of tourism enterprises through social media significantly affects tourism branding—the structural model indicates a standardized path coefficient of 0.53 and a t-value of 6.51. Since this t-value is also greater than 1.96, the null hypothesis is again rejected with 95% confidence. In other words, public activities such as demonstrating corporate social responsibility and sharing content through social media exhibit a statistically significant relationship with tourism branding. Finally, for the third hypothesis—that internal and external destination factors significantly affect tourism branding—the structural model shows a standardized path coefficient (factor loading) of 0.55 along with a t-value of 8.53. This result confirms that internal and external factors of the destination exert a significant influence on tourism branding. Overall, the findings from the structural equation model robustly support all three hypotheses, underscoring the critical role of social media in enhancing tourism branding through various channels and dimensions.   Discussion and Conclusion The results indicate that marketing on social networks has a significant impact on tourism branding in Iran. However, merely being active on social networks is insufficient; creative strategies regarding the public domain (i.e., tourism enterprises) are also necessary. Such strategies should include an emphasis on social responsibility, careful selection of the appropriate social network, and the manner of content sharing—both in quantity and quality—along with engaging and original content. If a destination possesses creativity and a distinct personality compared to other destinations, it becomes more attractive for branding; furthermore, local community participation and content validation serve as key supports. Thus, it is recommended that tourism policymakers incorporate social networks into tourism development strategies rather than excluding or neglecting the channel that the vast majority of consumers use. This study also acknowledges limitations, such as not accounting for variables like changes in social network platform algorithms. Additionally, the focus was solely on professionals and tourists, excluding other actors such as industry stakeholders, professional bloggers, or network organizations. Future research should consider these additional actors within the conceptual framework to further explore the opportunities that leveraging their influence might bring to tourism branding. Finally, given the results and the presented model indicating that tourism branding and marketing have become dependent on social networks, future research should examine the applicability of this conceptual framework in other sectors to investigate potential differences arising from specific business environments.   References Foruodi, P., Gupta, S., Kitchen, P., Foroudi, M. M., & Nguyen, B. (2016) A framework of place branding, place image, and place reputation: Antecedents and moderators. Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal, 19(2), 241–264. Gohil, N. (2015). Role and Impact of Social Media in Tourism: A Case Study on the Initiatives of Madhya Pradesh State Tourism. International Journal of Research in Economics and Social Sciences, 4(3), 8–16. Hanan, H., & Putit, N. (2014) Express marketing of tourism destination using Instagram in social media networking. In Norzuwana, Hospitality and Tourism: Synergizing Creativity and Innovation in Research (pp. 471–474). Kim, Jeongmi, & Daniel R. Fesenmaier. (2017) Sharing tourism experiences: The posttrip experience. Journal of Travel Research, 56(1), 28–40.     <a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">*</a> Ph.D. Student, Department of Social Communication Sciences, Meibod Branch, Islamic Azad University, Meibod, Iran. t.mostofian@gmail.com <a href="#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">**</a> Corresponding Author: Professor of Tourism Management Department, University of Science and Culture, Tehran, Iran. mohammad.h.imani@gmail.com <a href="#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3">***</a> Professor, Department of Social Communication Sciences, Faculty of Social Communication Sciences, Allameh Tabatabaei University, Tehran, Iran. hadikhaniki@gmail.comامروزه برندینگ گردشگری، ضرورت و لازمۀ صنعت گردشگری محسوب می&zwnj;شود. در این راستا وقتی کشوری در صنعت گردشگری دارای برند می&zwnj;شود، آن برند در میان گردشگران نهادینه شده، آن کشور شاهد رونق صنعت گردشگری خواهد بود و در این میان توسعه جامعه در ابعاد مختلف از جمله اقتصادی و بهویژه تحول فرهنگی رقم می&zwnj;خورد. در این مقاله تلاش شده است تا عواملی از شبکه&zwnj;های اجتماعی که باعث ارتقای برندینگ گردشگری در ایران می&zwnj;شود، شناسایی و تجزیه و تحلیل شود. جامعه آماری این پژوهش را گردشگران و دست&zwnj;اندرکاران حوزه گردشگری تشکیل می&zwnj;دهد. در این مطالعه از پرسشنامه و مصاحبه برای جمع&zwnj;آوری داده&zwnj;ها و از مدل&zwnj;یابی معادلات ساختاری برای تجزیه و تحلیل داده&zwnj;ها استفاده شده است. یافته&zwnj;ها نشان داد که چهار عامل در تأثیر شبکه&zwnj;های اجتماعی بر برندینگ گردشگری در ایران (برندینگ، بازاریابی گردشگری، جذب گردشگر (عوامل درونی و بیرونی مقصد) و حوزه عمومی)، تأثیرگذار است. نتایج نشان داد که متغیر بازاریابی گردشگری از طریق شبکه اجتماعی، بیشترین تأثیر را بر برندسازی گردشگری دارد و متغیر&zwnj;های انعکاس حوزۀ عمومی (بنگاه&zwnj;های گردشگری) از طریق شبکه&zwnj;های اجتماعی، عوامل بیرونی و درونی مقصد بر برندسازی گردشگری و برندسازی گردشگری در درجههای بعدی اهمیت قرار دارند.

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